@phdthesis{Chemeta2022,
  author    = {Chemeta, David},
  title     = {Nation, migration, narration},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51830},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-518308},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {496},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {In France and in Germany, immigration as become one of the main issues in the past decades. In this context rose also the rap music. It has a huge popularity for young people with migration background. However rappers do write a lot about their French or German identity. The goal of this work is to explain the paradox : how can people with migration background, expressing critics against the racism they regard as omnipresent, still feel fully French/German? We divided the work between following chapters: Context, methodology and theories (I); analysis of different identity forms within the text corpus (II); analysis of the way rappers see their society in three chronological steps (III-V); case studies of Kery James in France and Samy Deluxe in Germany (VI).},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{DuclauxdeL'Estoille2018,
  author    = {Duclaux de L'Estoille, Marie},
  title     = {Les strat{\´e}gies juridiques en vue de l'abolition universelle de la peine de mort},
  series = {Publications de l'Institut International des Droits de l'Homme},
  journal   = {Publications de l'Institut International des Droits de l'Homme},
  number    = {44},
  publisher = {Pedone},
  address   = {Paris},
  isbn      = {978-2-233-00953-1},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {499},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Afin de promouvoir l'abolition universelle de la peine de mort, les Etats et organisations internationales, qui forment une communaut{\´e} fonctionnelle abolitionniste, recourent {\`a} des strat{\´e}gies juridiques. Ces strat{\´e}gies sont fond{\´e}es en droit, et op{\`e}rent tant sur le contenu du droit (strat{\´e}gies normatives) que sur la mise en œuvre du droit (strat{\´e}gies op{\´e}rationnelles). Pour ce qui concerne d'une part les strat{\´e}gies normatives abolitionnistes, la communaut{\´e} fonctionnelle abolitionniste s'appuie sur l'article 6 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, qui encadre la peine de mort et l'assorti de restrictions. Elle promeut ainsi des abolitions partielles en se fondant sur des r{\´e}solutions de l'Assembl{\´e}e g{\´e}n{\´e}rale, sur le soft law du Comit{\´e} des droits de l'homme et sur d'autres trait{\´e}s afin de les densifier et de les interpr{\´e}ter extensivement. De la m{\^e}me mani{\`e}re, la communaut{\´e} fonctionnelle abolitionniste se fonde sur d'autres abolitions partielles qui sont encore en cours de coutumi{\´e}risation, bien que celle-ci se heurte {\`a} l'objection persistante de certains Etats. Pour ce qui concerne d'autre part les strat{\´e}gies op{\´e}rationnelles abolitionnistes, la communaut{\´e} fonctionnelle abolitionniste œuvre tant dans le cadre inter{\´e}tatique que dans le cadre transnational, afin de promouvoir la mise en œuvre des normes encadrant la peine de mort. Ces strat{\´e}gies juridiques abolitionnistes sont d{\`e}s lors des facteurs de d{\´e}veloppement et de mise en œuvre non-centralis{\´e}e du droit international, qui interrogent sur le poids de la majorit{\´e} des Etats dans l'{\´e}volution du droit international, et posent la question de la reconnaissance de l'existence et de la pertinence de valeurs m{\´e}ta-juridiques comme la dignit{\´e} humaine.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Messi2019,
  author    = {Messi, Hugues Urbain Patrick},
  title     = {Les sources du savoir - l'expression de l'inf{\´e}rence en Fran{\c{c}}ais},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-46961},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-469612},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {iii, 291},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {1. Unter Mediativit{\"a}t verstehen wir in dieser Dissertation die sprachliche Markierung der Informationsquelle. Ein Sprecher, der einen Sachverhalt vermittelt, hat die M{\"o}glichkeit durch sprachliche Mittel ausdr{\"u}cklich zu markieren, wie er die {\"u}bermittelte Information bekommen hat. Um diese Informationsquelle sprachlich zu deuten, werden im Franz{\"o}sischen unter anderem einige Verben als mediative Marker (MM) verwendet. 2. Die untersuchten Elemente croire, imaginer, paraitre, penser, savoir, sembler, supposer, trouver sind „mediatiave Verben". Jedes der untersuchten Verben weist besondere semantische und pragmatische Eigenschaften auf, die immer mit dem Ausdruck der Wissensquelle verbunden sind. Es handelt sich also um kognitive Verben (KV), die eine sprachliche Markierung der Informationsquelle vornehmen. Nach ihrem Verhalten in solchen Kontexten erf{\"u}llen sie die Funktion der „mediatiaven Markierung". 3. Die epistemische Modalit{\"a}t ist der Meditivit{\"a}t untergeordnet. Die Erscheinungsform der Modalit{\"a}t (Modalit{\"a}tstyp) bestimmt die St{\"a}rke der epistemischen Modalit{\"a}t. Keines der analysierten Verben dr{\"u}ckt lediglich eine epistemische Leseart aus. Die Dichotomie zwischen der mediativen und epistemischen Modalit{\"a}t besteht darin, dass die erste die Wissensquelle ausdr{\"u}ckt und die zweite ausschließlich die Einstellung des Sprechers gegen{\"u}ber dem Wahrheitsgrad der {\"A}ußerung widerspiegelt. 4. F{\"u}r alle Konstruktionen der Form [V/{\o}P] oder [V, P] ist P die Matrix des Satzes Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass - obwohl diese Konstituenten verschiedene Stellen besetzen k{\"o}nnen - sie dennoch ihre Funktionen als Matrix behalten, indem sie die Propositionen, auf die sie sich beziehen, unter ihrer Rektion behalten. 5. Die Konstruktion [V/{\o}P] und [V, P] stehen in freien Variation Da sich der Wechsel in einem vergleichbaren Kontext vollzieht, und da es in gleicher Umgebung eine freie Substitution gibt, handelt es sich bei den beiden Vorkommen [V/{\o}P] und [V, P] um syntaktische Varianten. 6. Der Konditional-Gebrauch dient haupts{\"a}chlich dazu, die Inferenztypen zu unterscheiden und gleichzeitig die zugrundeliegende Polyphonie zu verdeutlichen. Der Gebrauch des Konditionals dr{\"u}ckt aus, dass es sich nicht um eine zuverl{\"a}ssig zutreffende {\"A}ußerung handelt. Der Ausdruck von Zweifeln kann im Franz{\"o}sischen unter Verwendung spezifischer grammatischer Mittel erfolgen. Zu diesen geh{\"o}rt der Konditional zum Ausdruck der Mitigation (des Zweifels, der Reserviertheit usw.) und der Polyphonie.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Renard2019,
  author    = {Renard, L{\´e}a},
  title     = {Socio-histoire de l'observation statistique de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e}},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {590},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Autour de 1990 en France et de 2005 en Allemagne, deux nouvelles cat{\´e}gories sont introduites dans le champ de la statistique de la population. Toutes deux, « immigr{\´e} » et « Person mit Migrationshintergrund », font appel au registre de la migration pour qualifier un groupe de population. Notre analyse montre que ces deux {\´e}v{\´e}nements sont r{\´e}v{\´e}lateurs d'un changement de signification des cat{\´e}gorisations statistiques de la migration dans les deux pays, de la description de la mobilit{\´e} vers l'observation de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} de la population, changement li{\´e} au contexte de la politique publique dite d'« int{\´e}gration » qui se d{\´e}veloppe en France et en Allemagne dans les ann{\´e}es 1990-2000. La th{\`e}se interroge ainsi la mani{\`e}re dont la statistique rend la migration socialement pertinente pour construire l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e}. Pour pouvoir comprendre le virage entrepris dans les nomenclatures statistiques et le resituer dans une perspective de longue dur{\´e}e, nous avons postul{\´e} qu'il fallait aller chercher dans l'histoire de la statistique ce qui avait tenu lieu de classification principale de la population, en lieu et place des nouvelles cat{\´e}gories invent{\´e}es au tournant des XXe et XXIe si{\`e}cles. Nous nous sommes donc interrog{\´e}e sur la gen{\`e}se et l'institutionnalisation des cat{\´e}gories de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} et de la mobilit{\´e} dans la p{\´e}riode 1880-1914, alors que la France et l'Allemagne, {\`a} l'{\´e}poque le Deutsches Kaiserreich, se constituent en {\´E}tats-nations et en empires coloniaux. Pour observer ces processus empiriquement, nous avons choisi de comparer les pratiques de cat{\´e}gorisation de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} et la mobilit{\´e} (1) en France et en Allemagne, (2) {\`a} deux p{\´e}riodes diff{\´e}rentes, 1880-1914 et 1990-2010, et (3) dans le contexte m{\´e}tropolitain et colonial. L'analyse socio-historique compar{\´e}e d'apr{\`e}s la m{\´e}thodologie de la comparaison en contexte a repos{\´e} sur une asym{\´e}trie assum{\´e}e entre les deux p{\´e}riodes {\´e}tudi{\´e}es : tandis qu'il s'agissait de reconstruire la gen{\`e}se des cat{\´e}gories « immigr{\´e} » et « Person mit Migrationshintergrund » {\`a} deux moments distincts temporellement en France et en Allemagne, l'analyse de la p{\´e}riode 1880-1914 a consist{\´e} {\`a} mettre au jour ruptures et continuit{\´e}s historiques des principes de classification sur l'ensemble de la p{\´e}riode dans une perspective crois{\´e}e. La d{\´e}marche n'est ni chronologique ni r{\´e}trospective : elle contraste deux configurations historiques pour tenter d'identifier des ressemblances et des diff{\´e}rences. Nos r{\´e}sultats montrent qu'entre 1880 et 1914, la cat{\´e}gorie de migration est majoritairement associ{\´e}e {\`a} un ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne de mobilit{\´e} dans les discours politiques et statistiques. {\`A} cette {\´e}poque, la focale se porte sur l'{\´e}migration, red{\´e}finie comme un d{\´e}placement g{\´e}ographique en dehors des fronti{\`e}res de la nation et de l'Empire. Le transport des « {\´e}migrants », cat{\´e}gorie de population qui nourrit le d{\´e}bat et les tableaux statistiques, fait l'objet des probl{\´e}matisations politiques. Les statistiques relatives {\`a} l'{\´e}migration comme mobilit{\´e} {\´e}taient alors s{\´e}par{\´e}es de l'observation de la composition de la population, {\`a} travers le crit{\`e}re de la nationalit{\´e} dans le contexte m{\´e}tropolitain et des sch{\´e}mas « raciaux » dans le contexte colonial. En 1990 en France et 2005 en Allemagne, le registre de la migration est mobilis{\´e} cette fois pour observer statistiquement la composition de la population. Nos r{\´e}sultats ont permis de mettre au jour trois principes de construction de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} dans les deux pays et dans les deux p{\´e}riodes {\´e}tudi{\´e}es : un principe national, un principe colonial et un principe migratoire. La th{\`e}se d{\´e}veloppe ainsi une approche renouvel{\´e}e des interactions entre observation statistique et politique publique, en testant empiriquement sur le terrain des statistiques relatives {\`a} la migration l'hypoth{\`e}se de la « circularit{\´e} du savoir et de l'action » mise au point par Alain Desrosi{\`e}res},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{LeBot2019,
  author    = {Le Bot, Nils},
  title     = {Quel avenir pour les gares m{\´e}tropolitaines fran{\c{c}}aises et allemandes ?},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-44220},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-442201},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {589},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Cette th{\`e}se d'urbanisme s'est donn{\´e}e pour objectif de r{\´e}fl{\´e}chir {\`a} l'avenir des gares m{\´e}tropolitaines fran{\c{c}}aises et allemandes {\`a} horizon 2050. Elle porte une interrogation sur les fondements de la gare comme objet urbain conceptuel (abord{\´e} comme un syst{\`e}me) et pose comme hypoth{\`e}se qu'il serait en quelque sorte dot{\´e} de propri{\´e}t{\´e}s autonomes. Parmi ces propri{\´e}t{\´e}s, c'est le processus d'expansion et de dialogue sans cesse renouvel{\´e} et conflictuel, entre la gare et son tissu urbain environnant, qui guide cette recherche ; notamment dans le rapport qu'il entretient avec l'hypermobilit{\´e} des m{\´e}tropoles. Pour ce faire, cette th{\`e}se convoque quatre terrains d'{\´e}tudes : les gares principales de Cologne et de Stuttgart en Allemagne et les gares de Paris-Montparnasse et Lyon-Part-Dieu en France ; et commence par un historique d{\´e}taill{\´e} de leurs {\´e}volutions morphologiques, pour d{\´e}gager une s{\´e}rie de variables architectoniques et urbaines. Il proc{\`e}de dans un deuxi{\`e}me temps {\`a} une s{\´e}rie d'analyse prospective, permettant de juger de l'influence possible des politiques publiques en mati{\`e}re transports et de mobilit{\´e}, sur l'avenir conceptuel des gares. Cette th{\`e}se propose alors le concept de syst{\`e}me-gare, pour d{\´e}crire l'expansion et l'int{\´e}gration des gares m{\´e}tropolitaines avec leur environnement urbain ; un processus de n{\´e}gociation dialectique qui ne trouve pas sa r{\´e}solution dans le concept de gare comme lieu de vie/ville. Elle invite alors {\`a} penser la gare comme une h{\´e}t{\´e}rotopie, et propose une lecture d{\´e}polaris{\´e}e et d{\´e}hi{\´e}rarchis{\´e}e de ces espaces, en introduisant les concepts d'orchestre de gares et de m{\´e}tagare. Cette recherche propose enfin une lecture critique de la « ville num{\´e}rique » et du concept de « mobilit{\´e} comme service. » Pour {\´e}viter une mise en flux tendus potentiellement dommageables, l'application de ces concepts en gare ne pourra se soustraire {\`a} une augmentation simultan{\´e}e des espaces physiques.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Mai2019,
  author    = {Mai, Udo},
  title     = {La modalit{\´e} et ses r{\´e}alisations en fran{\c{c}}ais},
  series = {Potsdam Linguistic Investigations ; 26},
  journal   = {Potsdam Linguistic Investigations ; 26},
  publisher = {Lang},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-631-73990-7},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {340},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {L'auteur con{\c{c}}oit la modalit{\´e} comme une cat{\´e}gorie s{\´e}mantico-fonctionnelle, ind{\´e}pendante des {\´e}l{\´e}ments qui l'expriment et du niveau de la structure grammaticale dont ils rel{\`e}vent. Pour d{\´e}finir la modalit{\´e}, il tient compte {\´e}galement de ses caract{\´e}ristiques structurelles ainsi que de ph{\´e}nom{\`e}nes relevant de niveaux cognitifs plus hauts et plus bas. Cela permet de porter un regard critique sur les recherches ant{\´e}rieures, de d{\´e}velopper un cadre th{\´e}orique conciliant les diff{\´e}rentes approches et d'analyser syst{\´e}matiquement les expressions de la modalit{\´e} en fran{\c{c}}ais (verbes et adverbes modaux, modes verbaux etc.). L'interaction entre plusieurs {\´e}l{\´e}ments modaux dans le m{\^e}me {\´e}nonc{\´e} peut d{\´e}clencher trois types d'interaction et produit des ph{\´e}nom{\`e}nes modaux particuli{\`e}rement complexes.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Diop2018,
  author    = {Diop, Ibou Coulibaly},
  title     = {Mondialisation et monde des th{\´e}ories dans l'œuvre de Michel Houellebecq},
  series = {Romanistik ; 27},
  journal   = {Romanistik ; 27},
  publisher = {Frank \& Timme},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-7329-0399-3},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {185},
  year      = {2018},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{LeBonhomme2015,
  author    = {Le Bonhomme, Fanny},
  title     = {Psychiatrie et soci{\´e}t{\´e} en R{\´e}publique D{\´e}mocratique Allemande},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407164},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {480},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The patients of the Charité Psychiatry and Neurology clinic (East-Berlin, GDR) during the 1960s are at the center of this study. While taking into account the interpretation provided by the medical discourse, this research aims at reconstructing the experiences and the trajectories of these individuals by inscribing them in the context of the socialist society. Relying on patients' records - these records being the main source of this study - the goal of this research is to reach a better understanding of underlying tensions in the socialist society in relation to the political and ideological context. As these sources show, when they talk to the therapist, patients can speak according to rules which differ from the rules implemented in the socialist society. Because they may contain traces of speeches that would usually be silenced as a result of censorship or self-censorship, or of the unspeakable, shameful or delirious nature of this speech, the patients' records prove to be a valuable source for the historian. From marital tensions caused by ideological disagreements to the inner conflicts of an "ardent marxist", from the pain triggered by the exclusion from the party to the pain caused by the construction of the Berlin Wall, from the "reuniting delirium" to the delusions according to which the West appears as a threat, the individual and singular experiences of the patients allow to reconstruct, through a microhistorical approach, certain tensions inherent to the working of the socialist society.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Cormier2013,
  author    = {Cormier, Agathe},
  title     = {R{\^o}le de l'{\´e}nonciation : dans l'analyse linguistique du nom propre},
  publisher = {Lambert-Lucas},
  address   = {Limoges},
  isbn      = {978-2-35935-074-6},
  pages     = {292 S.},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Garcia2011,
  author    = {Garcia, Anne-Laure},
  title     = {Au croisement entre action publique et identit{\´e} familiale : l 'exemple des m{\`e}res seules c{\´e}libataires allemandes et fran{\c{c}}aises (1919-1998)},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  pages     = {246, LXVII S.},
  year      = {2011},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Obergoeker2003,
  author    = {Oberg{\"o}ker, Timo},
  title     = {{\´E}critures du non-lieu : Topographies d'une impossible qu{\^e}te identitaire: Romain Gary, Patrick Modiano, Georges Perec},
  publisher = {Lang},
  address   = {Frankfurt am Main [u.a.]},
  isbn      = {3-631-52613-X},
  pages     = {398 S.},
  year      = {2003},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Denoyer2017,
  author    = {Denoyer, Aur{\´e}lie},
  title     = {L'exil comme patrie},
  publisher = {Press Universitaires},
  address   = {Rennes},
  isbn      = {978-2-7535-5196-1},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {287},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Zimmer2016,
  author    = {Zimmer, Sophie},
  title     = {Le renouveau juif {\`a} Berlin depuis 1989 : aspects culturels et religieux},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96920},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {589},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Die vorliegende Untersuchung verfolgt das Ziel, kulturelle und religi{\"o}se Aspekte der Erneuerung j{\"u}dischen Lebens in Berlin seit 1989 zu erforschen. Die Entwicklungen der j{\"u}dischen Gemeinschaft in der Hauptstadt seit dem Fall der Mauer und dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion f{\"u}hren zur Wiederann{\"a}herung eines Teils der j{\"u}dischen Bev{\"o}lkerung in Deutschland an die eigene Kultur, Religion und Geschichte. Dabei kommt die Pluralit{\"a}t der kulturellen, literarischen und religi{\"o}sen Ausdrucksformen der j{\"u}dischen Identit{\"a}ten zum Vorschein. Die Arbeit verdeutlicht diese in Berlin nach 1989 einsetzende kulturelle und religi{\"o}se „Renaissance". Vier wichtige Punkte kennzeichnen das j{\"u}dische Leben in Berlin nach 1989. Erstens gewinnt Deutschland seit der Wiedervereinigung eine neue Rolle als m{\"o}gliches Einwanderungsland f{\"u}r Juden. Vor allem mit der massiven j{\"u}dischen Einwanderung aus den Staaten der ehemaligen Sowjetunion seit den 1990er Jahren wird Deutschland allm{\"a}hlich als wichtiges Zentrum in der europ{\"a}ischen Diaspora anerkannt. Zweitens bleibt zwar die Shoah tief verankert im Ged{\"a}chtnis der j{\"u}dischen Gemeinschaft; die meisten Kinder oder Enkelkinder von {\"U}berlebenden der Shoah weigern sich jedoch, ihre j{\"u}dische Identit{\"a}t exklusiv durch die Shoah zu definieren. Sie gr{\"u}nden zur Wiederentdeckung und Forderung ihres kulturellen, religi{\"o}sen und historischen Erbes j{\"u}dische Gruppen und Einrichtungen in Berlin, die in den meisten F{\"a}llen alternativ zur J{\"u}dischen Gemeinde entstehen: K{\"u}nstlergruppen, j{\"u}dische Kulturvereine, Konferenzen und Podiumsdiskussionen, religi{\"o}se Kongregationen und Lernh{\"a}user. Damit - und dies ist der dritte Punkt - verliert zwar die offizielle J{\"u}dische Gemeinde an Bedeutung als einzige Vertreterin der j{\"u}dischen Gemeinschaft Berlins; diese kulturelle und religi{\"o}se „Renaissance" außerhalb der offiziellen Strukturen der Gemeinde bedeutet aber auch eine wachsende Pluralit{\"a}t und Diversifizierung der j{\"u}dischen Gemeinschaft in Berlin. Viertens spielt Berlin die Hauptrolle in diesem Prozess. Heute werden viele ehemalige j{\"u}dische Orte neu belebt: Synagogen werden wiederentdeckt und renoviert, Denk- und Mahnmale gebaut, Stadtf{\"u}hrungen auf der Spur des „j{\"u}dischen Berlins" organisiert, Rabbinerseminare neu gegr{\"u}ndet. Die Topographie Berlins bildet auch eine Inspirationsquelle f{\"u}r j{\"u}dische (und nichtj{\"u}dische) Schriftsteller und K{\"u}nstler. Die Analyse dieser nach 1989 entstandenen religi{\"o}sen Initiativen, literarischen Werke und kulturellen Produktionen dient dazu, Aspekte der kulturellen und religi{\"o}sen „Renaissance" in Berlin n{\"a}her zu verdeutlichen.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Lhuillier2015,
  author    = {Lhuillier, Jean-Baptiste},
  title     = {Le cyber-actionnaire},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {535},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Dirakis2014,
  author    = {Dirakis, Alexis},
  title     = {Grundlagen und Grenzen des Sozialen},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {476},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Cette recherche a pour objet l'articulation entre les dimensions anthropologiques et sociologiques de l'anthropologie philosophique de Helmuth Plessner (1892-1985). Elles procèdent selon trois axes. Je m'efforce (1) d'offrir une synthèse de l'anthropologie philosophique plessnerienne afin (2) de reconstituer les conditions de possibilité du social au stade humain de l'organique. Le troisième axe (3) correspond, enfin, à l'analyse des limites structurelles du social à partir de ses deux dimensions constitutives : l'individuel (limites ontogénétiques, comportementales et inter-personnelles) et le collectif (limites culturelles, intra- et inter-culturelles).},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{NetchaevBakinski2014,
  author    = {Netchaev-Bakinski, Alexandre},
  title     = {Les voies/voix radicales en Angleterre, 1789-1848},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-75472},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {355},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {What is a radical? Somebody who goes against mainstream opinions? An agitator who suggests transforming society at the risk of endangering its harmony? In the political context of the British Isles at the end of the eighteenth century, the word radical had a negative connotation. It referred to the Levellers and the English Civil War, it brought back a period of history which was felt as a traumatic experience. Its stigmas were still vivid in the mind of the political leaders of these times. The reign of Cromwell was certainly the main reason for the general aversion of any form of virulent contestation of the power, especially when it contained political claims. In the English political context, radicalism can be understood as the different campaigns for parliamentary reforms establishing universal suffrage. However, it became evident that not all those who were supporting such a reform originated from the same social class or shared the same ideals. As a matter of fact, the reformist associations and their leaders often disagreed with each other. Edward Royle and Hames Walvin claimed that radicalism could not be analyzed historically as a concept, because it was not a homogeneous movement, nor it had common leaders and a clear ideology. For them, radicalism was merely a loose concept, « a state of mind rather than a plan of action. » At the beginning of the nineteenth-century, the newspaper The Northern Star used the word radical in a positive way to designate a person or a group of people whose ideas were conform to those of the newspaper. However, an opponent of parliamentary reform will use the same word in a negative way, in this case the word radical will convey a notion of menace. From the very beginning, the term radical covered a large spectrum of ideas and conceptions. In fact, the plurality of what the word conveys is the main characteristic of what a radical is. As a consequence, because the radicals tended to differentiate themselves with their plurality and their differences rather than with common features, it seems impossible to define what radicalism (whose suffix in -ism implies that it designate a doctrine, an ideology) is. Nevertheless, today it is accepted by all historians. From the mid-twentieth century, we could say that it was taken from granted to consider radicalism as a movement that fitted with the democratic precepts (universal suffrage, freedom of speech) of our modern world. Let us first look at radicalism as a convenient way to designate the different popular movements appealing to universal suffrage during the time period 1792-1848. We could easily observe through the successions of men and associations, a long lasting radical state of mind: Cartwright, Horne Tooke, Thomas Hardy, Francis Burdett, William Cobbett, Henry Hunt, William Lovett, Bronterre O'Brien, Feargus O'Connor, The London Society for Constitutional information (SCI), The London Corresponding Society (LCS), The Hampden Clubs, The Chartists, etc. These organizations and people acknowledged having many things in common and being inspired by one another in carrying out their activities. These influences can be seen in the language and the political ideology that British historians name as "Constitutionalist", but also, in the political organization of extra-parliamentary societies. Most of the radicals were eager to redress injustices and, in practice, they were inspired by a plan of actions drawn on from the pamphlets of the True Whigs of the eighteenth-century. We contest the argument that the radicals lacked coherence and imagination or that they did not know how to put into practice their ambitions. In fact, their innovative forms of protest left a mark on history and found many successors in the twentieth century. Radicals' prevarications were the result of prohibitive legislation that regulated the life of associations and the refusal of the authorities to cooperate with them. As mentioned above, the term radical was greatly used and the contemporaries of the period starting from the French Revolution to Chartism never had to quarrel about the notions the word radical covered. However, this does not imply that all radicals were the same or that they belong to the same entity. Equally to Horne Tooke, the Reverend and ultra-Tory Stephens was considered as a radical, it went also with the shoemaker Thomas Hardy and the extravagant aristocrat Francis Burdett. Whether one belonged to the Aristocracy, the middle-class, the lower class or the Church, nothing could prevent him from being a radical. Surely, anybody could be a radical in its own way. Radicalism was wide enough to embrace everybody, from revolutionary reformers to paternalistic Tories. We were interested to clarify the meaning of the term radical because its inclusive nature was overlooked by historians. That's why the term radical figures in the original title of our dissertation Les voix/voies radicales (radical voices/ways to radicalism). In the French title, both words voix/voies are homonymous; the first one voix (voice) correspond to people, the second one voies (ways) refers to ideas. By this, we wanted to show that the word radical belongs to the sphere of ideas and common experience but also to the nature of human beings. Methodoloy The thesis stresses less on the question of class and its formation than on the circumstances that brought people to change their destiny and those of their fellows or to modernize the whole society. We challenged the work of E.P. Thompson, who in his famous book, The Making of the English Working Class, defined the radical movements in accordance with an idea of class. How a simple shoe-maker, Thomas Hardy, could become the center of attention during a trial where he was accused of being the mastermind of a modern revolution? What brought William Cobbett, an ultra-Tory, self-taught intellectual, to gradually espouse the cause of universal suffrage at a period where it was unpopular to do so? Why a whole population gathered to hear Henry Hunt, a gentleman farmer whose background did not destine him for becoming the champion of the people? It seemed that the easiest way to answer to these questions and to understand the nature of the popular movements consisted in studying the life of their leaders. We aimed at reconstructing the universe which surrounded the principal actors of the reform movements as if we were a privileged witness of theses times. This idea to associate the biographies of historical characters for a period of more than fifty years arouse when we realized that key events of the reform movements were echoing each other, such the trial of Thomas Hardy in 1794 and the massacre of Peterloo of 1819. The more we learned about the major events of radicalism and the life of their leaders, the more we were intrigued. Finally, one could ask himself if being a radical was not after all a question of character rather than one of class. The different popular movements in favour of a parliamentary reform were in fact far more inclusive and diversified from what historians traditionally let us to believe. For instance, once he manage to gather a sufficient number of members of the popular classes, Thomas Hardy projected to give the control of his association to an intellectual elite led by Horne Tooke. Moreover, supporters of the radical reforms followed leaders whose background was completely different as theirs. For example, O'Connor claimed royal descent from the ancient kings of Ireland. William Cobbett, owner of a popular newspaper was proud of his origins as a farmer. William Lovett, close to the liberals and a few members of parliament came from a very poor family of fishermen. We have thus put together the life of these five men, Thomas hardy, William Cobbett, Henry Hunt, William Lovett and Feargus O'Connor in order to compose a sort of a saga of the radicals. This association gives us a better idea of the characteristics of the different movements in which they participated, but also, throw light on the circumstances of their formation and their failures, on the particular atmosphere which prevailed at these times, on the men who influenced these epochs, and finally on the marks they had left. These men were at the heart of a whole network and in contact with other actors of peripheral movements. They gathered around themselves close and loyal fellows with whom they shared many struggles but also quarreled and had strong words. The original part of our approach is reflected in the choice to not consider studying the fluctuations of the radical movements in a linear fashion where the story follows a strict chronology. We decided to split up the main issue of the thesis through different topics. To do so, we simply have described the life of the people who inspired these movements. Each historical figure covers a chapter, and the general story follows a chronological progression. Sometimes we had to go back through time or discuss the same events in different chapters when the main protagonists lived in the same period of time. Radical movements were influenced by people of different backgrounds. What united them above all was their wish to obtain a normalization of the political world, to redress injustices and obtain parliamentary reform. We paid particular attention to the moments where the life of these men corresponded to an intense activity of the radical movement or to a transition of its ideas and organization. We were not so much interested in their feelings about secondary topics nor did we about their affective relations. Furthermore, we had little interest in their opinions on things which were not connected to our topic unless it helped us to have a better understanding of their personality. We have purposely reduced the description of our protagonists to their radical sphere. Of course we talked about their background and their intellectual development; people are prone to experience reversals of opinions, the case of Cobbett is the most striking one. The life of these personalities coincided with particular moments of the radical movement, such as the first popular political associations, the first open-air mass meetings, the first popular newspapers, etc. We wanted to emphasize the personalities of those who addressed speeches and who were present in the radical associations. One could argue that the inconvenience of focusing on a particular person presents a high risk of overlooking events and people who were not part of his world. However, it was essential to differ from an analysis or a chronicle which had prevailed in the studies of the radical movements, as we aimed at offering a point of view that completed the precedents works written on that topic. In order to do so, we have deliberately put the humane character of the radical movement at the center of our work and used the techniques of biography as a narrative thread. Conclusion The life of each historical figure that we have portrayed corresponded to a particular epoch of the radical movement. Comparing the speeches of the radical leaders over a long period of time, we noticed that the radical ideology evolved. The principles of the Rights of Men faded away and gave place to more concrete reasoning, such as the right to benefit from one's own labour. This transition is characterized by the Chartist period of Feargus O'Connor. This does not mean that collective memory and radical tradition ceased to play an important part. The popular classes were always appealed to Constitutional rhetoric and popular myths. Indeed, thanks to them they identified themselves and justified their claims to universal suffrage. We focused on the life of a few influent leaders of radicalism in order to understand its evolution and its nature. The description of their lives constituted our narrative thread and it enabled us to maintain consistency in our thesis. If the chapters are independent the one from the other, events and speeches are in correspondences. Sometimes we could believe that we were witnessing a repetition of facts and events as if history was repeating itself endlessly. However, like technical progress, the spirit of time, Zeitgeist, experiences changes and mutations. These features are fundamental elements to comprehend historical phenomena; the latter cannot be simplified to philosophical, sociological, or historical concept. History is a science which has this particularity that the physical reality of phenomena has a human dimension. As a consequence, it is essential not to lose touch with the human aspect of history when one pursues studies and intellectual activities on a historical phenomenon. We decided to take a route opposite to the one taken by many historians. We have first identified influential people from different epochs before entering into concepts analysis. Thanks to this compilation of radical leaders, a new and fresh look to the understanding of radicalism was possible. Of course, we were not the first one to have studied them, but we ordered them following a chronology, like Plutarch enjoyed juxtaposing Greeks and Romans historical figures. Thanks to this technique we wanted to highlight the features of the radical leaders' speeches, personalities and epochs, but also their differences. At last, we tried to draw the outlines and the heart of different radical movements in order to follow the ways that led to radicalism. We do not pretend to have offered an original and exclusive definition of radicalism, we mainly wanted to understand the nature of what defines somebody as a radical and explain the reasons why thousands of people decided to believe in this man. Moreover, we wanted to distance ourselves from the ideological debate of the Cold War which permeated also the interpretation of past events. Too often, the history of radicalism was either narrated with a form of revolutionary nostalgia or in order to praise the merits of liberalism. If the great mass meetings ends in the mid-nineteenth-century with the fall of Chartism, this practice spread out in the whole world in the twentieth-century. Incidentally, the Arab Spring of the beginning of the twenty-first-century demonstrated that a popular platform was the best way for the people to claim their rights and destabilize a political system which they found too authoritative. Through protest the people express an essential quality of revolt, which is an expression of emancipation from fear. From then on, a despotic regime loses this psychological terror which helped it to maintain itself into power. The balance of power between the government and its people would also take a new turn. The radicals won this psychological victory more than 150 years ago and yet universal suffrage was obtained only a century later. From the acceptance of the principles of liberties to their cultural practice, a long route has to be taken to change people's mind. It is a wearisome struggle for the most vulnerable people. In the light of western history, fundamental liberties must be constantly defended. Paradoxically, revolt is an essential and constitutive element of the maintenance of democracy.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@phdthesis{Glikman2009,
  author    = {Glikman, Julie},
  title     = {Parataxe et subordination en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56784},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {Parataxe et subordination, ces deux termes, parfois antith{\´e}tiques, sont probl{\´e}matiques du fait m{\^e}me de leur extr{\^e}me polys{\´e}mie. C'est de cette ambigu{\"i}t{\´e} que na{\^i}t l'objet d'{\´e}tude, les constructions asynd{\´e}tiques, au statut incertain entre int{\´e}gration et ind{\´e}pendance. Dans cette th{\`e}se, nous proposons de r{\´e}interroger ce ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne ancien et d{\´e}j{\`a} bien connu en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais, en le mettant en regard des remises en question et avanc{\´e}es des recherches actuelles sur le sujet. Pour cela, il nous faut tout d'abord poser une d{\´e}finition de ce qu'est la subordination. Nous montrons ensuite que les constructions asynd{\´e}tiques sont bien des cas de subordination. Cette th{\`e}se {\´e}tablit enfin que ce ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne constitue, en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais du moins, une variante libre en syntaxe. Sa r{\´e}partition et sa pr{\´e}sence dans les textes a cependant tr{\`e}s t{\^o}t diminu{\´e}, mais l'existence de ph{\´e}nom{\`e}nes parall{\`e}les en fran{\c{c}}ais moderne, tout comme d'autres indices, nous permettent de faire l'hypoth{\`e}se que cette {\´e}volution tient d'une alternance oral / {\´e}crit. Cette th{\`e}se montre ainsi que les probl{\`e}mes, comme les enjeux, ne diff{\`e}rent finalement pas, quel que soit l'{\´e}tat de langue et que la parataxe constitue bien une construction dans le syst{\`e}me de la langue.},
  language  = {fr}
}