@phdthesis{Taheri2022, author = {Taheri, Mana}, title = {The impact of the socio-cultural context on Design Thinking education}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-54259}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-542599}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xii, 167}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The demand for learning Design Thinking (DT) as a path towards acquiring 21st-century skills has increased globally in the last decade. Because DT education originated in the Silicon Valley context of the d.school at Stanford, it is important to evaluate how the teaching of the methodology adapts to different cultural contexts.The thesis explores the impact of the socio-cultural context on DT education. DT institutes in Cape Town, South Africa and Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, were visited to observe their programs and conduct 22 semistructured interviews with local educators regarding their adaption strategies. Grounded theory methodology was used to develop a model of Socio-Cultural Adaptation of Design Thinking Education that maps these strategies onto five dimensions: Planning, Process, People, Place, and Presentation. Based on this model, a list of recommendations is provided to help DT educators and practitioners in designing and delivering culturally inclusive DT education.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Ssembatya2021, author = {Ssembatya, Anthony}, title = {Dual Citizenship: A comparative study of Kenya and Uganda}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-53118}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-531186}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 177}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Kenya and Uganda are amongst the countries that, for different historical, political, and economic reasons, have embarked on law reform processes as regards to citizenship. In 2009, Uganda made provisions in its laws to allow citizens to have dual citizenship while Kenya's 2010 constitution similarly introduced it, and at the same time, a general prohibition on dual citizenship was lifted, that is, a ban on state officers, including the President and Deputy President, being dual nationals (Manby, 2018). Against this background, I analysed the reasons for which these countries that previously held stringent laws and policies against dual citizenship, made a shift in a close time proximity. Given their geo-political roles, location, regional, continental, and international obligations, I conducted a comparative study on the processes, actors, impact, and effect. A specific period of 2000 to 2010 was researched, that is, from when the debates for law reforms emerged, to the processes being implemented, the actors, and the implications. According to Rubenstein (2000, p. 520), citizenship is observed in terms of "political institutions" that are free to act according to the will of, in the interests of, or with authority over, their citizenry. Institutions are emergent national or international, higher-order factors above the individual spectrum, having the interests and political involvement of their actors without requiring recurring collective mobilisation or imposing intervention to realise these regularities. Transnational institutions are organisations with authority beyond single governments. Given their International obligations, I analysed the role of the UN, AU, and EAC in influencing the citizenship debates and reforms in Kenya and Uganda. Further, non-state actors, such as civil society, were considered. Veblen, (1899) describes institutions as a set of settled habits of thought common to the generality of men. Institutions function only because the rules involved are rooted in shared habits of thought and behaviour although there is some ambiguity in the definition of the term "habit". Whereas abstracts and definitions depend on different analytical procedures, institutions restrain some forms of action and facilitate others. Transnational institutions both restrict and aid behaviour. The famous "invisible hand" is nothing else but transnational institutions. Transnational theories, as applied to politics, posit two distinct forms that are of influence over policy and political action (Veblen, 1899). This influence and durability of institutions is "a function of the degree to which they are instilled in political actors at the individual or organisational level, and the extent to which they thereby "tie up" material resources and networks. Against this background, transitional networks with connection to Kenya and Uganda were considered alongside the diaspora from these two countries and their role in the debate and reforms on Dual citizenship. Sterian (2013, p. 310) notes that Nation states may be vulnerable to institutional influence and this vulnerability can pose a threat to a nation's autonomy, political legitimacy, and to the democratic public law. Transnational institutions sometimes "collide with the sovereignty of the state when they create new structures for regulating cross-border relationships". However, Griffin (2003) disagrees that transnational institutional behaviour is premised on the principles of neutrality, impartiality, and independence. Transnational institutions have become the main target of the lobby groups and civil society, consequently leading to excessive politicisation. Kenya and Uganda are member states not only of the broader African union but also of the E.A.C which has adopted elements of socio-economic uniformity. Therefore, in the comparative analysis, I examine the role of the East African Community and its partners in the dual citizenship debate on the two countries. I argue in the analysis that it is not only important to be a citizen within Kenya or Uganda but also important to discover how the issue of dual citizenship is legally interpreted within the borders of each individual nation-state. In light of this discussion, I agree with Mamdani's definition of the nation-state as a unique form of power introduced in Africa by colonial powers between 1880 and 1940 whose outcomes can be viewed as "debris of a modernist postcolonial project, an attempt to create a centralised modern state as the bearer of Westphalia sovereignty against the background of indirect rule" (Mamdani, 1996, p. xxii). I argue that this project has impacted the citizenship debate through the adopted legal framework of post colonialism, built partly on a class system, ethnic definitions, and political affiliation. I, however, insist that the nation-state should still be a vital custodian of the citizenship debate, not in any way denying the individual the rights to identity and belonging. The question then that arises is which type of nation-state? Mamdani (1996, p. 298) asserts that the core agenda that African states faced at independence was threefold: deracialising civil society; detribalising the native authority; and developing the economy in the context of unequal international relations. Post-independence governments grappled with overcoming the citizen and subject dichotomy through either preserving the customary in the name of "defending tradition against alien encroachment or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and embracing triumphant modernism". Kenya and Uganda are among countries that have reformed their citizenship laws attesting to Mamdani's latter assertion. Mamdani's (1996) assertions on how African states continue to deal with the issue of citizenship through either the defence of tradition against subjects or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and acceptance of triumphant modernism are based on the colonial legal theory and the citizen-subject dichotomy within Africa communities. To further create a wider perspective on legal theory, I argue that those assertions above, point to the historical divergence between the republican model of citizenship, which places emphasis on political agency as envisioned in Rousseau´s social contract, as opposed to the liberal model of citizenship, which stresses the legal status and protection (Pocock, 1995). I, therefore, compare the contexts of both Kenya and Uganda, the actors, the implications of transnationalism and post-nationalism, on the citizens, the nation-state and the region. I conclude by highlighting the shortcomings in the law reforms that allowed for dual citizenship, further demonstrating an urgent need to address issues, such as child statelessness, gender nationality laws, and the rights of dual citizens. Ethnicity, a weak nation state, and inconsistent citizenship legal reforms are closely linked to the historical factors of both countries. I further indicate the economic and political incentives that influenced the reform. Keywords: Citizenship, dual citizenship, nation state, republicanism, liberalism, transnationalism, post-nationalism}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Teichert2020, author = {Teichert, Conrad}, title = {Bildungssteuerung im System der Fahranf{\"a}ngervorbereitung}, publisher = {Degener}, address = {Hannover}, isbn = {978-3-936071-93-1}, pages = {254,XL}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{vondenDriesch2020, author = {von den Driesch, Ellen}, title = {Unter Verschluss}, address = {Potsdam}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Moerl2020, author = {M{\"o}rl, Susann}, title = {Entwicklung und Erprobung konzeptioneller Grundlagen zur lernf{\"o}rderlichen Gestaltung von Kompetenzr{\"u}ckmeldungen bei der Praktischen Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fung}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-46854}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-468543}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {146}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die Praktische Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fung dient der Erfassung und Beurteilung der Fahrkompe-tenz von Fahrerlaubnisbewerbern. Die aus dieser Pr{\"u}fung gewonnenen R{\"u}ckschl{\"u}sse auf das Niveau der Fahrkompetenz sollen insbesondere auch der Weiterentwicklung des Bewerbers dienen. Bisher erhalten Bewerber nur bei nicht bestandener Praktischer Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}-fung eine Auflistung der wichtigsten Fehler, die zum Nichtbestehen gef{\"u}hrt haben. F{\"u}r ein zielgerichtetes Weiterlernen ist es aber notwendig, dass die Ergebnisse der Leistungserfas-sung und der Leistungsbewertung gem{\"a}ß pr{\"u}fungsdidaktischer Grunds{\"a}tze p{\"a}dagogisch an-spruchsvoll an alle Fahranf{\"a}nger (unabh{\"a}ngig vom Pr{\"u}fungsergebnis) zur{\"u}ckgemeldet wer-den. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit besteht darin, die Gestaltungsgrundlagen und einen Umset-zungsvorschlag f{\"u}r ein kompetenzbezogenes und lernf{\"o}rderliches R{\"u}ckmeldesystem f{\"u}r die Praktische Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fung zu erarbeiten. Dieses R{\"u}ckmeldesystem soll in der Praxis erprobt werden. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus sollen anhand einer Bewerberbefragung zur Nutzerzufrie-denheit Erkenntnisse f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung gewonnen werden. Der Entwicklungs- und Erprobungsprozess des optimierten R{\"u}ckmeldesystems l{\"a}sst sich in drei Projektphasen auf-teilen: 1. Im Zuge der Optimierungsarbeiten zur Praktischen Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fung wurde in der ersten Projektphase ein neues R{\"u}ckmeldesystem erarbeitet, das aus einem kompetenz-bezogenen m{\"u}ndlichen Auswertungsgespr{\"a}ch und einer erg{\"a}nzenden schriftlichen R{\"u}ckmeldung einschließlich weiterf{\"u}hrender Lernhinweise f{\"u}r alle Bewerber besteht. Dieses R{\"u}ckmeldesystem soll einerseits die Fahranf{\"a}nger dabei unterst{\"u}tzen, die Leis-tungsbewertung inhaltlich besser zu verstehen sowie ein zielgerichtetes Weiterlernen erm{\"o}glichen. Andererseits soll es die Bewerber dazu motivieren, die festgestellten Kompetenzdefizite weiter zu bearbeiten, und dadurch Lernzuwachs f{\"o}rdern. 2. Das R{\"u}ckmeldesystem wurde in der zweiten Projektphase in verschiedenen Modell- regionen Deutschlands anhand von ca. 9.000 realen Praktischen Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fun-gen erprobt. Die Fahrerlaubnisbewerber, die in den Modellregionen an einer optimier-ten Praktischen Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fung teilgenommen und somit eine schriftliche R{\"u}ckmeldung gem{\"a}ß der optimierten Vorgaben bzw. einen individuellen Zugangscode zum Downloadbereich erhalten haben, wurden zu einer Befragung eingeladen. Dabei wurden vor allem Aspekte der Akzeptanz und der Lernwirksamkeit aus Sicht der Be-werber erfasst. Ziel war es, die Qualit{\"a}t der verkehrsp{\"a}dagogischen Gestaltung des R{\"u}ckmeldesystems und seinen Nutzen zu untersuchen, um die erprobte R{\"u}ckmeldung weiterzuentwickeln. F{\"u}r die Bewerberbefragung wurde eine Onlinebefragung mit ei-nem standardisierten Fragebogen durchgef{\"u}hrt. 3. Die Erprobungs- und Befragungsergebnisse dienten in der dritten Projektphase der Ableitung von Schlussfolgerungen f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung des R{\"u}ckmeldesystems. Die vorliegenden Ergebnisse der Felderprobung deuten darauf hin, dass die Bereitstel-lung einer schriftlichen, ausf{\"u}hrlichen R{\"u}ckmeldung zu den Pr{\"u}fungsleistungen der Praktischen Fahrerlaubnispr{\"u}fungen insgesamt als n{\"u}tzlich und gewinnbringend ange-sehen wird. Allerdings wurde auch deutlich, dass bez{\"u}glich der Umsetzung noch Op-timierungspotenzial besteht. Im Anschluss an die Erprobung wurde die schriftliche R{\"u}ckmeldung daher - ausgehend von den Nutzererfahrungen w{\"a}hrend der Felderpro-bung - umfassend {\"u}berarbeitet und eine revidierte Version vorgelegt. Als Ergebnis der Arbeit liegt ein in mehreren Schritten entwickeltes, empirisch fundiertes und erprobtes R{\"u}ckmeldesystem vor, das eine differenzierte Kompetenzr{\"u}ckmeldung er-m{\"o}glicht. Die umfassende R{\"u}ckmeldung bietet k{\"u}nftig einerseits eine verbesserte Ausgangs-lage f{\"u}r eine ggf. anschließende Wiederholungspr{\"u}fung und andererseits ist es dem Bewer-ber anhand der aufgezeigten St{\"a}rken und Schw{\"a}chen auch nach einer bestandenen Pr{\"u}fung m{\"o}glich, diese R{\"u}ckmeldung f{\"u}r das weitere Lernen zu nutzen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Muster2020, author = {Muster, Judith}, title = {Grenzen des Organiesierbaren}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {144}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Interessiert man sich f{\"u}r den gesellschaftlichen Einfluss der Organisationssoziologie auf die Praxis des Organisierens, so muss der Befund ern{\"u}chtern. St{\"a}rker als auf organisationssoziologische Wissensbest{\"a}nde wird in Unternehmen oder Verwaltungen auf aktuelle Managementtrends rekurriert. Man k{\"o}nnte diesen Befund beklagen und als fehlerhafte Rezeption der Praxis beiseitelegen. Alternativ ließe sich aber auch diskutieren, welchen Beitrag die Disziplin selbst zu dieser Rezeption leistet. Mit einer solchen Diskussion begibt man sich fast unweigerlich auf einen schwierigen Pfad. Zum einen kann die Soziologie gerade dann, wenn sie ihren Blick auf die Erforschung von Unternehmen oder Verwaltungen richtet, nicht die von der Praxis erwarteten positiven Antworten liefern. Gerade die Organisationssoziologie begibt sich zum anderen jedoch in direkte Konkurrenz zu Nachbardisziplinen wie die Betriebswirtschaftslehre oder die Organisationspsychologie, die die Rezeptionsf{\"a}higkeit ihrer Wissensbest{\"a}nde im Praxisfeld in den letzten Jahren unter Beweis gestellt haben. Die Erwartungen an die Umsetzbarkeit wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse in der Praxis sind dadurch gestiegen. Eine Soziologie, die ihre Erkenntniskraft in der kritischen Distanz sieht, mag das skeptisch stimmen. Es gilt daher, die Frage zu beantworten, wie die Praxisrelevanz einer Wissenschaft des zweiten Blicks auf Organisationen konkret aussehen kann. Diesem Vorhaben widmet sich das vorgelegte Promotionsprojekt. Die in der kumulativen Dissertation versammelten Beitr{\"a}ge verstehen sich allesamt als Erkundungen und Erprobungen der Praxisrelevanz der Organisationssoziologie anhand aktueller Managementfragen in Unternehmen. Die These lautet dabei, dass sich diese Praxisrelevanz nur als Kritik entfalten kann. Eine solche Kritik kann dabei zwei grunds{\"a}tzliche Formen annehmen: Als Strukturkritik bezieht sie sich auf konkrete Organisationen, deren spezifische Eigenlogiken und strukturelle Verstrickungen. Sie beschreibt dabei f{\"u}r den Einzelfall Funktionen und Folgen von Erwartungsstrukturen, die sich dann z. B. fallvergleichend generalisieren oder typisieren lassen. Organisationssoziologische Strukturkritik kann sich damit sowohl als vergleichender, praxissensibler Forschungsansatz realisieren, als auch die Grundlage einer soziologisch orientierten Beratung bilden. Als Schematakritik richtet sie sich gegen verk{\"u}rzte Vorstellungen des Organisierens, die sich etwa in Managementmoden finden lassen. Dem Kumulus zugrunde liegen f{\"u}nf Beitr{\"a}ge, die konkrete Auspr{\"a}gungen beider Kritikformen ausloten. Der erste Beitrag „Datafizierung und Organisation" zeigt, wie Schematakritik an Nachbardisziplinen aussehen kann, indem er Organisation als blinden Fleck der Digitalisierungsforschung diskutiert und Anschlussstellen f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re Forschung ausweist. Daher liefert der Beitrag einen systematischen Zugang zu organisationalen Implikationen der Digitalisierung. Neben der Anreicherung der Digitalisierungsforschung kann die entwickelte Argumentation auch f{\"u}r die Praxis Erkenntniskraft haben, indem z. B. problematisiert wird, dass im Managementdiskurs um Digitalisierung {\"u}berzogene Rationalisierungserwartungen herrschen oder durch digitale Infrastrukturen entstehende Informalit{\"a}ten systematisch ausgeblendet werden Der zweite Beitrag „F{\"u}hrung als erfolgreiche Einflussnahme in kritischen Momenten" legt eine Umdeutung des popul{\"a}ren Managementbegriffs F{\"u}hrung durch Schematakritik vor. Damit tr{\"a}gt er in mehrfacher Hinsicht zu einer praxisrelevanten Neubestimmung von F{\"u}hrung bei. F{\"u}r F{\"u}hrungskr{\"a}fte erm{\"o}glicht er beispielsweise die Einsicht, dass sie ihre F{\"u}hrungsaufgaben auf kritische Momente konzentrieren k{\"o}nnen und postuliert die Abkehr vom heroischen Bild des dauerhaft F{\"u}hrenden. Diese Umdeutung kann auch f{\"u}r F{\"u}hrungskr{\"a}fte in Organisationen entlastend sein, weist sie doch auf den Zusammenhang zwischen der organisationalen Verfasstheit und F{\"u}hrungschancen hin und er{\"o}ffnet damit Gestaltungschancen jenseits der F{\"u}hrungskr{\"a}fte- und Personalentwicklung. F{\"u}r die Organisationsforschung liefert der Beitrag einen theoretisch integrierten F{\"u}hrungsbegriff, der F{\"u}hrung sowohl organisational als auch situativ bestimmt. Er steht somit exemplarisch f{\"u}r eine organisationssoziologische Schematakritik, die etablierte Managementbegriffe neu deutet. Der dritte Beitrag kritisiert mit dem Konzept der transformationalen F{\"u}hrung eine Managementmode und zeigt auf, wie das darin enthaltene F{\"u}hrungsmodell durch die Bildung moralischer Kategorien Organisationsprobleme auf Organisationsmitglieder (hier: F{\"u}hrungskr{\"a}fte) verschiebt. Es wird einerseits eine organisationssoziologische Kritik am popul{\"a}ren Managementkonzept der transformationalen F{\"u}hrung vorgelegt. Andererseits verdeutlicht der Beitrag anhand systemtheoretischer Konzepte wie elementarer Verhaltensweisen, Moral oder Rollentrennung exemplarisch, dass organisationssoziologisches Denken den Managementdiskurs bereichern kann, indem es Verk{\"u}rzungen und Simplifizierungen aufdeckt und alternative Analyse- und Gestaltungsans{\"a}tze bereitstellt. Daf{\"u}r l{\"a}sst sich auch im Praxisdiskurs Geh{\"o}r finden, weil man annehmen darf, dass mit den Heilsversprechen von Kompaktl{\"o}sungen auch Entt{\"a}uschungen einhergehen, f{\"u}r die die Organisationssoziologie Erkl{\"a}rungen liefern kann. Die M{\"o}glichkeiten und Grenzen von Strukturkritik werden in den letzten beiden Beitr{\"a}gen diskutiert. Das Potenzial von Strukturkritik f{\"u}r die soziologisch orientierte Beratung von Organisationen exploriert der Beitrag „Die schwierige Liaison von Organisationssoziologie und Praxisbezug am Beispiel der Beratung". Ausgehend vom Theorie-Praxis-Komplex wird eruiert, wie soziologischer Praxisbezug im Feld der Beratung aussehen kann. Daf{\"u}r systematisiert der Beitrag organisationssoziologische Ans{\"a}tze von Beratung und zeigt auf, wie ein genuin soziologischer Beratungsansatz aussehen k{\"o}nnte. Der letzte Beitrag stellt Grundz{\"u}ge einer Methodologie strukturkritischer Forschung vor und illustriert diese an einem durchgef{\"u}hrten Forschungsprojekt zu Managementmoden. Anhand der Forschung in einem Produktionsbetrieb wird gezeigt, wie strukturkritische Forschung konkret aussehen kann. Solch strukturkritische Forschung steht im Forschungsprozess vor drei Herausforderungen: dem qualitativ hochwertigen Feldzugang, der Entwicklung einer f{\"u}r Forschung und Praxis instruktiven Fragestellung und der R{\"u}ckspiegelung der Ergebnisse in das Feld. Der Beitrag stellt Grundz{\"u}ge einer Methodologie strukturkritischer Organisationsforschung vor, die sich sachlich, zeitlich und sozial entlang der drei beschriebenen Momente des Feldzugangs, der Ausgangsfragestellung und der R{\"u}ckspiegelung der Ergebnisse spezifizieren lassen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Bombart2020, author = {Bombart, Diane}, title = {The geometry of a complex institution}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-48872}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-488724}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {181}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Organizations incorporate the institutional demands from their environment in order to be deemed legitimate and survive. Yet, complexifying societies promulgate multiple and sometimes inconsistent institutional prescriptions. When these prescriptions collide, organizations are said to face "institutional complexity". How does an organization then incorporate incompatible demands? What are the consequences of institutional complexity for an organization? The literature provides contradictory conceptual and empirical insights on the matter. A central assumption, however, remains that internal incompatibilities generate tensions that, under certain conditions, can escalate into intractable conflicts, resulting in dysfunctionality and loss of legitimacy. The present research is an inquiry into what happens inside an organization when it incorporates complex institutional demands. To answer this question, I focus on how individuals inside an organization interpret a complex institutional prescription. I examine how members of the French Development Agency interpret 'results-based management', a central but complex concept of organizing in the field of development aid. I use an inductive mixed methods design to systematically explore how different interpretations of results-based management relate to one another and to the organizational context in which they are embedded. The results reveal that results-based management is a contested concept in the French Development Agency. I find multiple interpretations of the concept, which are attached to partly incompatible rationales about "who we are" and "what we do as an organization". These rationales nevertheless coexist as balanced forces, without escalating into open conflict. The analysis points to four reasons for this peaceful coexistence of diverging rationales inside one and the same organization: 1) individuals' capacity to manipulate different interpretations of a complex institutional demand, 2) the nature of interpretations, which makes them more or less prone to conflict, 3) the balanced distribution of rationales across the organizational sub-contexts and 4) the shared rules of interpretation provided by the larger socio-cultural context. This research shows that an organization that incorporates institutional complexity comes to represent different, partly incompatible things to its members without being at war with itself. In doing so, it contributes to our knowledge of institutional complexity and organizational hybridity. It also advances our understanding of internal organizational legitimacy and of the translation of managerial concepts in organizations.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Arf2019, author = {Arf, Shelan Ali}, title = {Women's everyday reality of social insecurity}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43433}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434333}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {334}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Since 1980 Iraq passed through various wars and conflicts including Iraq-Iran war, Saddam Hussein's the Anfals and Halabja campaigns against the Kurds and the killing campaigns against Shiite in 1986, Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, the Gulf war in 1990, Iraq war in 2003 and the fall of Saddam, the conflicts and chaos in the transmission of power after the death of Saddam, and the war against ISIS . All these wars left severe impacts in most households in Iraq; on women and children in particular. The consequences of such long wars could be observed in all sectors including economic, social, cultural and religious sectors. The social structure, norms and attitudes are intensely affected. Many women specifically divorced women found them-selves in challenging different difficulties such as social as well as economic situations. Thus the divorced women in Iraqi Kurdistan are the focus of this research. Considering the fact that there is very few empirical researches on this topic, a constructivist grounded theory methodology (CGT) is viewed as reliable in order to come up with a comprehensive picture about the everyday life of divorced women in Iraqi Kurdistan. Data collected in Sulaimani city in Iraqi Kurdistan. The work of Kathy Charmaz was chosen to be the main methodological context of the research and the main data collection method was individual intensive narrative interviews with divorced women. Women generally and divorced women specifically in Iraqi Kurdistan are living in a patriarchal society that passing through many changes due to the above mentioned wars among many other factors. This research is trying to study the everyday life of divorced women in such situations and the forms of social insecurity they are experiencing. The social institutions starting from the family as a very significant institution for women to the governmental and non-governmental institutions that are working to support women, and the copying strategies, are in focus in this research. The main research argument is that the family is playing ambivalent roles in divorced women's life. For instance, on one side families are revealed to be an essential source of security to most respondents, on the other side families posed also many threats and restrictions on those women. This argument supported by what called by Suad joseph "the paradox of support and suppression" . Another important finding is that the stat institution(laws , constitutions ,Offices of combating violence against woman and family) are supporting women somehow and offering them protection from the insecurities but it is clear that the existence of the laws does not stop the violence against women in Iraqi Kurdistan, As explained by Pateman because the laws /the contract is a sexual-social contract that upholds the sex rights of males and grants them more privileges than females. The political instability, Tribal social norms also play a major role in influencing the rule of law. It is noteworthy to refer that analyzing the interviews in this research showed that in spite that divorced women living in insecurities and facing difficulties but most of the respondents try to find a coping strategies to tackle difficult situations and to deal with the violence they face; these strategies are bargaining, sometimes compromising or resisting …etc. Different theories used to explain these coping strategies such as bargaining with patriarchy. Kandiyoti who stated that women living under certain restraints struggle to find way and strategies to enhance their situations. The research finding also revealed that the western liberal feminist view of agency is limited this is agree with Saba Mahmood and what she explained about Muslim women agency. For my respondents, who are divorced women, their agency reveals itself in different ways, in resisting or compromising with or even obeying the power of male relatives, and the normative system in the society. Agency is also explained the behavior of women contacting formal state institutions in cases of violence like the police or Offices of combating violence against woman and family.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Brase2019, author = {Brase, Alexa Kristin}, title = {Spiele um Studium und Lehre? Zur mikropolitischen Nutzung von Qualit{\"a}tsmanagementsystemen an Hochschulen in Deutschland}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43737}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-437377}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {IX, 228}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Die Wissenschaftsfreiheit ist ein Grundrecht, dessen Sinn und Auslegung im Rahmen von Reformen des Hochschulsystems nicht nur der Justiz, sondern auch der Wissenschaft selbst immer wieder Anlass zur Diskussion geben, so auch im Zuge der Einf{\"u}hrung des so genannten Qualit{\"a}tsmanagements von Studium und Lehre an deutschen Hochschulen. Die vorliegende Dissertationsschrift stellt die Ergebnisse einer empirischen Studie vor, die mit einer soziologischen Betrachtung des Qualit{\"a}tsmanagements unterschiedlicher Hochschulen zu dieser Diskussion beitr{\"a}gt. Auf Grundlage der Pr{\"a}misse, dass Verlauf und Folgen einer organisationalen Innovation nur verstanden werden k{\"o}nnen, wenn der allt{\"a}gliche Umgang der Organisationsmitglieder mit den neuen Strukturen und Prozessen in die Analyse einbezogen wird, geht die Studie von der Frage aus, wie Akteurinnen und Akteure an deutschen Hochschulen die Qualit{\"a}tsmanagementsysteme ihrer Organisationen nutzen. Die qualitative inhaltsanalytische Auswertung von 26 Leitfaden-Interviews mit Prorektorinnen und -rektoren, Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement-Personal und Studiendekaninnen und -dekanen an neun Hochschulen ergibt, dass die Strategien der Akteursgruppen an den Hochschulen im Zusammenspiel mit strukturellen Aspekten unterschiedliche Dynamiken entstehen lassen, mit denen Implikationen f{\"u}r die Lehrfreiheit verbunden sind: W{\"a}hrend die Autonomie der Lehrenden durch das Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement an einigen Hochschulen unterst{\"u}tzt wird, sind sowohl Autonomie als auch Verantwortung f{\"u}r Studium und Lehre an anderen Hochschulen Gegenstand andauernder Konflikte, die auch das Qualit{\"a}tsmanagement einschließen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Reiher2019, author = {Reiher, Martin}, title = {Parlamentarier als Beruf}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, pages = {402}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Die politische Professionalisierung hat innerhalb der institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen zur Sozialfigur des Berufspolitikers gef{\"u}hrt. Diese Entwicklung wird im theoretischen Teil der Arbeit hergeleitet und im empirischen Teil mit umfangreichen Daten belegt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass es dabei nicht zu erheblichen Ver{\"a}nderungen in den Rekrutierungsmustern und Karriereverl{\"a}ufen der Abgeordneten gekommen ist. Vielmehr erweisen sich die von Dietrich Herzog herausgearbeiteten Karrieretypen auch heute noch als g{\"u}ltig und mussten nur moderat angepasst werden. Es zeigt sich damit eine erstaunliche Kontinuit{\"a}t in der politischen Elitenbildung. Die in Deutschland sehr gefestigten institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen, die den Zugang und die Attraktivit{\"a}t politischer Karrieren determinieren, haben offensichtlich auch zu einer Stabilisierung der Karrieretypen gef{\"u}hrt.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Herold2019, author = {Herold, Jana}, title = {International Bureaucracies as Governance Actors}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {233}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This study assesses and explains international bureaucracies' performance and role as policy advisors and as expert authorities from the perspective of domestic stakeholders. International bureaucracies are the secretariats of international organizations that carry out their work including generating knowledge, providing policy advice and implementing policy programs and projects. Scholars increasingly regard them as governance actors that are able to influence global and domestic policy making. In order to explain this influence, research has mainly focused on international bureaucracies' formal features and/or staff characteristics. The way in which they are actually perceived by their domestic stakeholders, in particular by national bureaucrats, has not been systematically studied. Yet, this is equally important, given that they represent international bureaucracies' addressees and are actors that (potentially) make use of international bureaucracies' policy advice, which can be seen as an indicator for international bureaucracies' influence. Accordingly, I argue that domestic stakeholders' assessments can likewise contribute to explaining international bureaucracies' influence. The overarching research questions the study addresses are what are national stakeholders' perspectives on international bureaucracies and under which conditions do they consider international bureaucracies' policy advice? In answering these questions, I focus on three specific organizational features that the literature has considered important for international bureaucracies' independent influence, namely international bureaucracies' performance and their role as policy advisors and as expert authorities. These three features are studied separately in three independent articles, which are presented in Part II of this article-based dissertation. To answer the research questions, I draw on novel data from a global survey among ministry officials of 121 countries. The survey captures ministry officials' assessments of international bureaucracies' features and their behavior with respect to international bureaucracies' policy advice. The overall sample comprises the bureaucracies of nine global and nine regional international organizations in eight thematic areas in the policy fields of agriculture and finance. The overall finding of this study is that international bureaucracies' performance and their role as policy advisors and expert authorities as perceived by ministry officials are highly context-specific and relational. These features vary not only across international bureaucracies but much more intra-organizationally across the different thematic areas that an international bureaucracy addresses, i.e. across different thematic contexts. As far as to the relational nature of international bureaucracies' features, the study generally finds strong variation across the assessments by ministry officials from different countries and across thematic areas. Hence, the findings highlight that it is likewise important to study international bureaucracies via the perspective of their stakeholders and to take account of the different thematic areas and contexts in which international bureaucracies operate. The study contributes to current research on international bureaucracies in various ways. First, it directly surveys one important type of domestic stakeholders, namely national ministry officials, as to how they evaluate certain aspects of international bureaucracies instead of deriving them from their structural features, policy documents or assessments by their staff. Furthermore, the study empirically tests a range of theoretical hypotheses derived from the literature on international bureaucracies' influence, as well as related literature. Second, the study advances methods of assessing international bureaucracies through a large-N, cross-national expert survey among ministry officials. A survey of this type of stakeholder and of this scope is - to my knowledge - unprecedented. Yet, as argued above, their perspectives are equally important for assessing and explaining international bureaucracies' influence. Third, the study adapts common theories of international bureaucracies' policy influence and expert authority to the assessments by ministry officials. In so doing, it tests hypotheses that are rooted in both rationalist and constructivist accounts and combines perspectives on international bureaucracies from both International Relations and Public Administration. Empirically supporting and challenging these hypotheses further complements the theoretical understanding of the determinants of international bureaucracies' influence among national bureaucracies from both rationalist and constructivist perspectives. Overall, this study advances our understanding of international bureaucracies by systematically taking into account ministry officials' perspectives in order to determine under which conditions international bureaucracies are perceived to perform well and are able to have an effect as policy advisors and expert authorities among national bureaucracies. Thereby, the study helps to specify to what extent international bureaucracies - as global governance actors - are able to permeate domestic governance via ministry officials and, thus, contribute to the question of why some international bureaucracies play a greater role and are ultimately able to have more influence than others.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Ehnert2019, author = {Ehnert, Franziska}, title = {Climate Policy in Denmark, Germany, Estonia and Poland}, series = {New horizons in environmental politics}, journal = {New horizons in environmental politics}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA}, isbn = {978-1-78897-939-9}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {220}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Ministerial administrations are pivotal in the process of defining problems and developing policy solutions due to their technocratic expertise, particularly when this process is applied to climate policy. This innovative book explores how and why policies are changed or continued by employing in-depth studies from a diverse range of EU countries. Climate Policy in Denmark, Germany, Estonia and Poland works to narrow the research gap surrounding administrative institutions within the field of climate policy change by integrating ideas, discourses and institutions to provide a better understanding of both climate policy and policy change. Differences in approach to democratization and Europeanization between Western and Central Eastern European countries provide rich empirical material for the study of policy formulation. This timely book demonstrates how the substance and formation of policies are shaped by their political and administrative institutional contexts. Analytical and accessible, this discerning book will be of value to scholars and students of climate policy, public policy and public administration alike. Providing lessons on institutional reform in climate and energy policy, this explorative book will also be of interest to practitioners and policy-makers.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Muelling2019, author = {M{\"u}lling, Eric}, title = {Big Data und der digitale Ungehorsam}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-24158-2}, pages = {XV, 242}, year = {2019}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Nasery2019, author = {Nasery, Mustafa}, title = {The success and failure of civil service reforms in Afghanistan}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-44473}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-444738}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {viii, 258}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The Government will create a motivated, merit-based, performance-driven, and professional civil service that is resistant to temptations of corruption and which provides efficient, effective and transparent public services that do not force customers to pay bribes. — (GoIRA, 2006, p. 106) We were in a black hole! We had an empty glass and had nothing from our side to fill it with! Thus, we accepted anything anybody offered; that is how our glass was filled; that is how we reformed our civil service. — (Former Advisor to IARCSC, personal communication, August 2015) How and under what conditions were the post-Taleban Civil Service Reforms of Afghanistan initiated? What were the main components of the reforms? What were their objectives and to which extent were they achieved? Who were the leading domestic and foreign actors involved in the process? Finally, what specific factors influenced the success and failure Afghanistan's Civil Service Reforms since 2002? Guided by such fundamental questions, this research studies the wicked process of reforming the Afghan civil service in an environment where a variety of contextual, programmatic, and external factors affected the design and implementation of reforms that were entirely funded and technically assisted by the international community. Focusing on the core components of reforms—recruitment, remuneration, and appraisal of civil servants—the qualitative study provides a detailed picture of the pre-reform civil service and its major human resources developments in the past. Following discussions on the content and purposes of the main reform programs, it will then analyze the extent of changes in policies and practices by examining the outputs and effects of these reforms. Moreover, the study defines the specific factors that led the reforms toward a situation where most of the intended objectives remain unachieved. Doing so, it explores and explains how an overwhelming influence of international actors with conflicting interests, large-scale corruption, political interference, networks of patronage, institutionalized nepotism, culturally accepted cronyism and widespread ethnic favoritism created a very complex environment and prevented the reforms from transforming Afghanistan's patrimonial civil service into a professional civil service, which is driven by performance and merit.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hanschmann2019, author = {Hanschmann, Raffael Tino}, title = {Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the 'Great Recession'}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-44044}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXVIII, 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between 'beneficiaries' and 'losers' of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Renard2019, author = {Renard, L{\´e}a}, title = {Socio-histoire de l'observation statistique de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e}}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {590}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Autour de 1990 en France et de 2005 en Allemagne, deux nouvelles cat{\´e}gories sont introduites dans le champ de la statistique de la population. Toutes deux, « immigr{\´e} » et « Person mit Migrationshintergrund », font appel au registre de la migration pour qualifier un groupe de population. Notre analyse montre que ces deux {\´e}v{\´e}nements sont r{\´e}v{\´e}lateurs d'un changement de signification des cat{\´e}gorisations statistiques de la migration dans les deux pays, de la description de la mobilit{\´e} vers l'observation de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} de la population, changement li{\´e} au contexte de la politique publique dite d'« int{\´e}gration » qui se d{\´e}veloppe en France et en Allemagne dans les ann{\´e}es 1990-2000. La th{\`e}se interroge ainsi la mani{\`e}re dont la statistique rend la migration socialement pertinente pour construire l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e}. Pour pouvoir comprendre le virage entrepris dans les nomenclatures statistiques et le resituer dans une perspective de longue dur{\´e}e, nous avons postul{\´e} qu'il fallait aller chercher dans l'histoire de la statistique ce qui avait tenu lieu de classification principale de la population, en lieu et place des nouvelles cat{\´e}gories invent{\´e}es au tournant des XXe et XXIe si{\`e}cles. Nous nous sommes donc interrog{\´e}e sur la gen{\`e}se et l'institutionnalisation des cat{\´e}gories de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} et de la mobilit{\´e} dans la p{\´e}riode 1880-1914, alors que la France et l'Allemagne, {\`a} l'{\´e}poque le Deutsches Kaiserreich, se constituent en {\´E}tats-nations et en empires coloniaux. Pour observer ces processus empiriquement, nous avons choisi de comparer les pratiques de cat{\´e}gorisation de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} et la mobilit{\´e} (1) en France et en Allemagne, (2) {\`a} deux p{\´e}riodes diff{\´e}rentes, 1880-1914 et 1990-2010, et (3) dans le contexte m{\´e}tropolitain et colonial. L'analyse socio-historique compar{\´e}e d'apr{\`e}s la m{\´e}thodologie de la comparaison en contexte a repos{\´e} sur une asym{\´e}trie assum{\´e}e entre les deux p{\´e}riodes {\´e}tudi{\´e}es : tandis qu'il s'agissait de reconstruire la gen{\`e}se des cat{\´e}gories « immigr{\´e} » et « Person mit Migrationshintergrund » {\`a} deux moments distincts temporellement en France et en Allemagne, l'analyse de la p{\´e}riode 1880-1914 a consist{\´e} {\`a} mettre au jour ruptures et continuit{\´e}s historiques des principes de classification sur l'ensemble de la p{\´e}riode dans une perspective crois{\´e}e. La d{\´e}marche n'est ni chronologique ni r{\´e}trospective : elle contraste deux configurations historiques pour tenter d'identifier des ressemblances et des diff{\´e}rences. Nos r{\´e}sultats montrent qu'entre 1880 et 1914, la cat{\´e}gorie de migration est majoritairement associ{\´e}e {\`a} un ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne de mobilit{\´e} dans les discours politiques et statistiques. {\`A} cette {\´e}poque, la focale se porte sur l'{\´e}migration, red{\´e}finie comme un d{\´e}placement g{\´e}ographique en dehors des fronti{\`e}res de la nation et de l'Empire. Le transport des « {\´e}migrants », cat{\´e}gorie de population qui nourrit le d{\´e}bat et les tableaux statistiques, fait l'objet des probl{\´e}matisations politiques. Les statistiques relatives {\`a} l'{\´e}migration comme mobilit{\´e} {\´e}taient alors s{\´e}par{\´e}es de l'observation de la composition de la population, {\`a} travers le crit{\`e}re de la nationalit{\´e} dans le contexte m{\´e}tropolitain et des sch{\´e}mas « raciaux » dans le contexte colonial. En 1990 en France et 2005 en Allemagne, le registre de la migration est mobilis{\´e} cette fois pour observer statistiquement la composition de la population. Nos r{\´e}sultats ont permis de mettre au jour trois principes de construction de l'alt{\´e}rit{\´e} dans les deux pays et dans les deux p{\´e}riodes {\´e}tudi{\´e}es : un principe national, un principe colonial et un principe migratoire. La th{\`e}se d{\´e}veloppe ainsi une approche renouvel{\´e}e des interactions entre observation statistique et politique publique, en testant empiriquement sur le terrain des statistiques relatives {\`a} la migration l'hypoth{\`e}se de la « circularit{\´e} du savoir et de l'action » mise au point par Alain Desrosi{\`e}res}, language = {fr} } @phdthesis{Wernert2019, author = {Wernert, Yann}, title = {Internationale Kooperation in der Rohstoffpolitik}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-28517-3}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-28518-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {521}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Deutschland und Frankreich ben{\"o}tigen stetige Metallimporte, um ihr Wirtschaftsmodell aufrechtzuerhalten. Internationale Kooperation ist unerl{\"a}sslich, damit diese Importe zuverl{\"a}ssig und nachhaltig verlaufen. Doch welche Potenziale bieten sich in diesem Bereich, welche Grenzen sind dabei zu erkennen? Dieser Frage geht Yann Wernert durch einen Fallstudienvergleich mit prozessanalytischen Methoden und auf der theoretischen Grundlage des neoliberalen Institutionalismus nach. Er zeigt, dass beide L{\"a}nder ihre Bem{\"u}hungen als reaktive Mittelm{\"a}chte gestalten. Sie wollen durch staatliche Rohstoffstrategien wirtschaftliche, strategische und Nachhaltigkeitsziele erreichen. W{\"a}hrend die Analyse durchaus Kooperationspotenziale ausmacht, fallen diese je nach L{\"a}ndergruppe und Politikbereich sehr unterschiedlich aus.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{vonKaphengst2019, author = {von Kaphengst, Dragana}, title = {Project's management quality in development cooperation}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43099}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-430992}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xvii, 237}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In light of the debate on the consequences of competitive contracting out of traditionally public services, this research compares two mechanisms used to allocate funds in development cooperation—direct awarding and competitive contracting out—aiming to identify their potential advantages and disadvantages. The agency theory is applied within the framework of rational-choice institutionalism to study the institutional arrangements that surround two different money allocation mechanisms, identify the incentives they create for the behavior of individual actors in the field, and examine how these then transfer into measurable differences in managerial quality of development aid projects. In this work, project management quality is seen as an important determinant of the overall project success. For data-gathering purposes, the German development agency, the Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), is used due to its unique way of work. Whereas the majority of projects receive funds via direct-award mechanism, there is a commercial department, GIZ International Services (GIZ IS) that has to compete for project funds. The data concerning project management practices on the GIZ and GIZ IS projects was gathered via a web-based, self-administered survey of project team leaders. Principal component analysis was applied to reduce the dimensionality of the independent variable to total of five components of project management. Furthermore, multiple regression analysis identified the differences between the separate components on these two project types. Enriched by qualitative data gathered via interviews, this thesis offers insights into everyday managerial practices in development cooperation and identifies the advantages and disadvantages of the two allocation mechanisms. The thesis first reiterates the responsibility of donors and implementers for overall aid effectiveness. It shows that the mechanism of competitive contracting out leads to better oversight and control of implementers, fosters deeper cooperation between the implementers and beneficiaries, and has a potential to strengthen ownership of recipient countries. On the other hand, it shows that the evaluation quality does not tremendously benefit from the competitive allocation mechanism and that the quality of the component knowledge management and learning is better when direct-award mechanisms are used. This raises questions about the lacking possibilities of actors in the field to learn about past mistakes and incorporate the finings into the future interventions, which is one of the fundamental issues of aid effectiveness. Finally, the findings show immense deficiencies in regard to oversight and control of individual projects in German development cooperation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Remuss2018, author = {Remuß, Nina-Louisa}, title = {Theorising Institutional Change}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {231}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Kesselmann2018, author = {Kesselmann, Manuela}, title = {Entwicklung eines Instrumentes zur Messung von Pr{\"a}sentismus und Handlungsempfehlungen zur Reduktion}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {239}, year = {2018}, language = {de} }