@incollection{Zimmermann2015,
  author    = {Zimmermann, Andreas},
  title     = {Article 8bis: Crime of Aggression},
  series = {The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court},
  booktitle = {The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court},
  edition   = {3. Aufl.},
  publisher = {Beck},
  address   = {M{\"u}nchen},
  pages     = {580 -- 618},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{TosunSchulze2015,
  author    = {Tosun, Jale and Schulze, Kai},
  title     = {Compliance with EU biofuel targets in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe: Do interest groups matter?},
  series = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0263-774X},
  doi       = {10.1177/0263774X15605923},
  pages     = {950 -- 968},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The European Union requires its member states to establish national targets for the biofuel content of all diesel and petrol supplies for transport placed on the market. This study explores the adoption of this European Union policy across South-Eastern and Eastern Europe between 2003 and 2012. In theoretical terms, we are specifically interested in examining the role of interest groups for policy adoption. We argue that the oil industry in general and the producers of biofuels in particular will support the establishment of national biofuel targets because they expect economic gains. By contrast, we expect environmental groups with international and regional ties to oppose such targets because biofuels have come under attack for their potential environmental impact including deforestation, a loss in biodiversity, and food insecurity. Empirically, we concentrate on policy adoptions in 21 South-Eastern and Eastern European states with varied relations to the European Union and the Energy Community. Our analysis supports our main arguments in suggesting that a stronger presence of environmental groups decreases the chances of adopting national biofuel targets across our country sample while producer interests tend to increase adoptions. This finding holds true also when controlling for a country's European Union membership and accession perspective, membership in the Energy Community, and additional domestic-level factors. These results add more generally to our understanding about compliance with European Union policies and environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Zimmermann2015,
  author    = {Zimmermann, Andreas},
  title     = {The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Developing International Law Without Solving the Conflict},
  series = {Archiv des V{\"o}lkerrechts},
  volume    = {53},
  journal   = {Archiv des V{\"o}lkerrechts},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Mohr Siebeck},
  address   = {T{\"u}bingen},
  doi       = {10.1628/000389215X14412717564749},
  pages     = {149 -- 166},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The article analyses whether the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has served as a catalyst for the development of international law, as well as whether international law has been instrumental in attempting to find solutions for the said conflict. In several ways, this conflict has made a significant contribution to understanding and interpreting the UN Charter. It also brought along important developments about the role of third parties, both under the Geneva Conventions and under the law of state responsibility, which provides for an obligation of not recognizing as legal, or not rendering aid or assistance to situations caused by serious violations of jus cogens. International judicial institutions (and also domestic ones) play a rather limited role in this respect, due both to a lack of courage to address fundamental questions, and/or a disregard of the outcome of the proceedings by at least one of the parties to the conflict. Other reasons are Israel's reluctance of accepting the jurisdiction of either the ICJ or the ICC, and its view on the non-applicability of human rights treaties outside of its territory, as well as Palestine's uncertain status in the international community limiting its access to international courts. However, the ICJ's 2004 (formally non-binding) advisory opinion on the Israeli Wall provided answers to some of the most fundamental questions related to the conflict, unfortunately without having any immediate impact on the situation on the ground. Given Palestine's accession to the Rome Statute in early 2015, time has yet to show which role in the process will be played by the ICC. Other issues arising from the conflict, and examined by this article, are that of (Palestinian) statehood, going beyond the traditional concept of statehood and including the consequences of the jus cogens-character of the right of self-determination, as well as questions of treaty succession and succession in matters of State responsibility with regard to acts committed by the PLO.},
  language  = {en}
}