@article{AmaechiGeorgi2019,
  author    = {Amaechi, Mary Chimaobi and Georgi, Doreen},
  title     = {Quirks of subject (non-)extraction in Igbo},
  series = {Glossa : a journal of general linguistics},
  volume    = {4},
  journal   = {Glossa : a journal of general linguistics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Ubiquity Press},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {2397-1835},
  doi       = {10.5334/gjgl.607},
  pages     = {36},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In this paper we present new data on a subject/non-subject extraction asymmetry in Igbo constituent questions. We provide evidence that the superficially morphological phenomenon reflects a deeper syntactic asymmetry: Unlike wh-non-subjects, wh-subjects cannot undergo local (A) over bar -movement to the left periphery (SpecFoc); rather, they have to stay in their canonical position SpecT. The same constraint also leads to the that-trace effect (absence of the complementizer) in the embedded clause of long subject wh-movement. We argue that what is responsible for the special status of wh-subjects is their high structural position. We provide an optimality-theoretic analysis of the asymmetry that is based on anti-locality: Local subject (A) over bar -movement is excluded because it is too short. Moreover, we address the nature of apparent wh-in-situ in Igbo.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{AmaechiGeorgi2020,
  author    = {Amaechi, Mary Chimaobi and Georgi, Doreen},
  title     = {On optional wh-/focus fronting in Igbo},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Sprachwissenschaft},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Sprachwissenschaft},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {De Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0721-9067},
  doi       = {10.1515/zfs-2020-2017},
  pages     = {299 -- 327},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This paper discusses surface optionality in focus fronting in the Benue-Congo language Igbo. A focused XP can occur in-situ or ex-situ. We argue that the optionality does not have its origins in the syntax: in fact, exactly one focused XP has to move to the designated focus position in the left periphery in the syntax. The alternation between in-situ and ex-situ rather arises at PF: either the lowest or the topmost copy of the focus chain is pronounced. The choice is determined by semantic-pragmatic factors, i. e., we see an interaction between PF and LF. This constitutes a challenge for a strict version of the Y-model of grammar.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Amaechi2020,
  author    = {Amaechi, Mary Chimaobi},
  title     = {A'-movement dependencies and their reflexes in Igbo},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-47152},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-471524},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {i, 195},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In this thesis, I examine different A-bar movement dependencies in Igbo, a Benue-Congo language spoken in southern Nigeria. Movement dependencies are found in constructions where an element is moved to the left edge of the clause to express information-structural categories such as in questions, relativization and focus. I show that these constructions in Igbo are very uniform from a syntactic point of view. The constructions are built on two basic fronting operations: relativization and focus movement, and are biclausal. I further investigate several morphophonological effects that are found in these A-bar constructions. I propose that these effects are reflexes of movement that are triggered when an element is moved overtly in relativization or focus. This proposal helps to explain the tone patterns that have previously been assumed to be a property of relative clauses. The thesis adds to the growing body of tonal reflexes of A-bar movement reported for a few African languages. The thesis also provides an insight into the complementizer domain (C-domain) of Igbo.},
  language  = {en}
}