@article{FuegemannGoerlingGoeddeetal.2022, author = {F{\"u}gemann, Hella and Goerling, Ute and Goedde, Kathrin and Rieckmann, Nina and Holmberg, Christine}, title = {"Psychologist was a luxury present"-Emotional challenges and need for psycho-oncological care of people with a diagnosis of lung cancer}, series = {Onkologie}, volume = {28}, journal = {Onkologie}, number = {12}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Heidelberg}, issn = {2731-7226}, doi = {10.1007/s00761-022-01235-3}, pages = {1105 -- 1110}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Background Lung cancer survivors are particularly affected by psychological distress. At the same time, rates of utilization of psycho-oncological support are relatively low. Little is known about the reasons for (non)utilization. Objective What psychological and emotional distress do people with lung cancer experience? What are their reasons for (not) utilizing psycho-oncological support? Material and methods Qualitative interviews with 20 people affected by lung cancer were conducted and analyzed as part of the CoreNAVI study. Results Respondents experience psychological distress in the form of uncertainties and fears about the future. Those affected also perceive the pressure of having to go quickly from one treatment to the next and having no time for themselves as stressful. The users of psycho-oncology find it very helpful to speak openly without having to burden their personal relationships, and to receive concrete advice. Nonutilization is explained by a lack of need and a lack of capacity. In addition, reluctance to use psychological support is evident in the interviews. Conclusion Individuals with lung cancer also experience psychological and emotional distress due to the large number and high density of therapies. The resulting lack of capacity could be an explanation for the low utilization of psycho-oncological support. A greater emphasis on psycho-oncology over costly medical therapies that often only marginally prolong life and reducing reluctance to accept psychological help should be a greater focus in healthcare practice.}, language = {de} } @misc{Koethke2023, author = {Koethke, Kira}, title = {Forschungsfreiheit im Strafprozess}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.59704/1e5535e98d06a19b}, pages = {5}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Braun2024, author = {Braun, Isabel Laura}, title = {Die Medienkonzentrationskontrolle im digitalen Zeitalter}, series = {Studien zum Medienrecht}, volume = {4}, journal = {Studien zum Medienrecht}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-19073-7}, doi = {10.3790/978-3-428-59073-5}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {236}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Dass vielf{\"a}ltige Inhalte und Meinungen {\"u}ber eine Vielzahl an Medien verbreitet werden, ist f{\"u}r unsere demokratische Gesellschaft heute wichtiger denn je. Gerade deshalb ist es unabdingbar, Meinungsmacht einzelner Medienunternehmen zu verhindern und dadurch zur Meinungsvielfalt beizutragen. Diese bedeutende Aufgabe kommt der Medienkonzentrationskontrolle des Medienstaatsvertrages zu. Doch haben die digitalisierungsbedingten Ver{\"a}nderungen in der Medienlandschaft zu einem inkonsistenten Pr{\"u}fungsregime der Medienkonzentrationskontrolle gef{\"u}hrt, da medienrechtlich aktuell nicht alle f{\"u}r die Meinungsbildung relevanten Medienakteure ausreichend erfasst werden. Die Arbeit untersucht die Thematik im Kontext der nationalen sowie internationalen medien- und wettbewerbsrechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen. Basierend auf den dabei gewonnenen Erkenntnissen wird ein den aktuellen Erfordernissen entsprechender normativer Vorschlag unterbreitet.}, subject = {Deutschland}, language = {de} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z}, pages = {18}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63603, title = {Plattformen : Grundlagen und Neuordnung des Rechts digitaler Plattformen}, editor = {Buchheim, Johannes and Kraetzig, Viktoria and Mendelsohn, Juliane and Steinr{\"o}tter, Bj{\"o}rn}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-7560-1454-5}, doi = {10.5771/9783748919919}, pages = {263}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Digitale Plattformen pr{\"a}gen unsere Rechts- und Wirtschaftsordnung, die Freizeitgestaltung, das Informationsverhalten und im Aggregat die digitale {\"O}ffentlichkeit. Die damit verbundenen Rechtsfragen sind im Fluss und ber{\"u}hren alle juristischen Teildisziplinen. Der Tagungsband n{\"a}hert sich daher den Entwicklungen des Plattformrechts aus disziplin{\"u}bergreifendem Blickwinkel. Dieser Versuch einer {\"u}berspannenden Perspektive fokussiert vor allem auf die beiden „Großen" der j{\"u}ngsten Rechtsakte (DSA/DMA) unter dem besonderen Gesichtspunkt ihres Vollzugs: Wie kann man ein globales Ph{\"a}nomen wie Plattformen lokal und regional regulieren? Welche Rolle spielt der Schwarm der Vielen in der Effektivierung der neuen Regularien? Passen Regelungsmodelle wie das Urheberrecht zum Plattformph{\"a}nomen?}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke2020, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.}, series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, volume = {14}, journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, issn = {1899-6256}, doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21}, pages = {325 -- 342}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschland}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_7}, pages = {113 -- 128}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Das Kapitel beginnt mit einem kurzen historischen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber den {\"U}bergang Deutschlands im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert von einem Transit- und Auswanderungsland zu einem Einwanderungsland. Der n{\"a}chste Teil des Kapitels befasst sich mit den Herausforderungen und Problemen der deutschen Einwanderungspolitik in einem f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem. Abschließend analysiert das Kapitel einige Trends in der deutschen Migrationspolitik seit der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise 2015, wie etwa Ver{\"a}nderungen im Parteiensystem und in den Konzepten, die der Migrationspolitik zugrunde liegen, um die Zuwanderung nach Deutschland besser zu steuern, zu kontrollieren und zu begrenzen.}, language = {de} } @misc{Lemke2022, author = {Lemke, Tristan}, title = {{\"U}bergewinnsteuer durch die Hintert{\"u}r}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Rechtswissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Rechtswissenschaftliche Reihe}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-60377}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-603771}, pages = {7}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{OttoKernHauptetal.2021, author = {Otto, Antje and Kern, Kristine and Haupt, Wolfgang and Eckersley, Peter and Thieken, Annegret}, title = {Ranking local climate policy}, series = {Climatic change : an interdisciplinary, international journal devoted to the description, causes and implications of climatic change}, volume = {167}, journal = {Climatic change : an interdisciplinary, international journal devoted to the description, causes and implications of climatic change}, number = {1-2}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {0165-0009}, doi = {10.1007/s10584-021-03142-9}, pages = {23}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Climate mitigation and climate adaptation are crucial tasks for urban areas and can involve synergies as well as trade-offs. However, few studies have examined how mitigation and adaptation efforts relate to each other in a large number of differently sized cities, and therefore we know little about whether forerunners in mitigation are also leading in adaptation or if cities tend to focus on just one policy field. This article develops an internationally applicable approach to rank cities on climate policy that incorporates multiple indicators related to (1) local commitments on mitigation and adaptation, (2) urban mitigation and adaptation plans and (3) climate adaptation and mitigation ambitions. We apply this method to rank 104 differently sized German cities and identify six clusters: climate policy leaders, climate adaptation leaders, climate mitigation leaders, climate policy followers, climate policy latecomers and climate policy laggards. The article seeks explanations for particular cities' positions and shows that coping with climate change in a balanced way on a high level depends on structural factors, in particular city size, the pathways of local climate policies since the 1990s and funding programmes for both climate mitigation and adaptation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Kaneza2024, author = {Kaneza, Elisabeth}, title = {Rassische Diskriminierung in Deutschland}, series = {Schriften des MenschenRechtsZentrums der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, volume = {49}, journal = {Schriften des MenschenRechtsZentrums der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-7560-1461-3}, doi = {10.5771/9783748919988}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {417}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Diese Arbeit zeigt auf, wie historisch und rechtlich eine Ungleichheit zwischen Schwarzen und Weißen in Deutschland gewachsen ist und geht der Frage nach, welche Anforderungen das Verfassungsrecht, die Rechtspraxis und die Politik erf{\"u}llen m{\"u}ssen, um sie auszugleichen. Eingangs wird die Entwicklung des Verbots der rassischen Diskriminierung im internationalen und nationalen Recht dargelegt. Folglich zeichnet die Verfasserin die Diskriminierungsgeschichte von Schwarzen Menschen nach. Zur {\"U}berwindung der nach wie vor bestehenden strukturellen Diskriminierung schl{\"a}gt sie ein positives Recht vor, das sich auf Menschenrechtsstandards und L{\"o}sungsans{\"a}tzen aus Rechtsvergleichen st{\"u}tzt und die Gleichberechtigung von Schwarzen Menschen bewirken soll.}, language = {de} }