@article{Demske2019,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Aspectual features and categorial shift},
  series = {Language sciences},
  volume    = {73},
  journal   = {Language sciences},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0388-0001},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.langsci.2018.08.006},
  pages     = {50 -- 61},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The point of departure of this paper is the claim by Heyvaert, Maekelberghe \& Buyle (2019) that the suffix -ing has no aspectual meaning in English gerunds. Rather, the interpretation of nominal and verbal gerunds depends, so they argue, on situation or viewpoint aspect, a claim that contradicts the wide-spread view that the aspectual meaning of English gerunds is brought about by the nominalizing suffix. The present paper addresses the issue from a comparative perspective, focusing on German ung-nominals: while they share aspectual features with their English counterparts, empirical evidence from productivity, distribution, and argument linking shows (i) that the derivational suffix -ung imposes aspectual restrictions on possible verb bases, and (ii) that with respect to argument linking, the deverbal nominal favors the state component of a complex event predicate over its process component. From the historical record of German, we learn that these aspectual restrictions do not hold for ung-nominals in earlier periods of German. With the rise of aspectual restrictions, the nominalization pattern turns more nominal resulting in a position further towards the nominal end of the deverbalization continuum. It appears, then, that it is only in the historical pariods of German that ung-nominals pattern with English nominals as regards their aspectual features. Currently, German ung-nominals are more noun-like than nominal (and verbal) gerunds in English. (C) 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{JędrzejowskiDemske2017,
  author    = {Jędrzejowski, Łukasz and Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Infinitival patterns and their diachronic dynamics: questions and challenges},
  series = {Infinitives at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: a Diachronic Perspective (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs [TiLSM]; 306)},
  volume    = {2017},
  journal   = {Infinitives at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: a Diachronic Perspective (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs [TiLSM]; 306)},
  editor    = {Jędrzejowski, Łukasz and Demske, Ulrike},
  publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
  address   = {Berlin, New York},
  isbn      = {978-3-11-052058-3},
  doi       = {10.1515/9783110520583},
  pages     = {1 -- 27},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The major aim of this volume is to investigate infinitival structures from a diachronic point of view and, simultaneously, to embed the diachronic findings into the ongoing theoretical discussion on non-finite clauses in general. All contributions subscribe to a dynamic approach to infinitival clauses by investigating their origin, development and loss in miscellaneous patterns and across different languages.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BoschDeCesareDemskeetal.2021,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and De Cesare, Ilaria and Demske, Ulrike and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {New empirical approaches to grammatical variation and change},
  series = {Languages : open access journal},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Languages : open access journal},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {MDPI},
  address   = {Basel},
  issn      = {2226-471X},
  doi       = {10.3390/languages6030113},
  pages     = {3},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Demske2015,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Sprachwandel},
  series = {Einf{\"u}hrung in die germanistische Linguistik},
  journal   = {Einf{\"u}hrung in die germanistische Linguistik},
  editor    = {Meibauer, J{\"o}rg and Demske, Ulrike and Geilfuß-Wolfgang, Jochen and Pafel, J{\"u}rgen and Ramers, Karl-Heinz and Rothweiler, Monika and Steinbach, Markus},
  edition   = {3},
  publisher = {Metzler},
  address   = {Stuttgart},
  isbn      = {978-3-476-02566-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-476-05424-1_8},
  pages     = {296 -- 340},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Unsere Sprache wandelt sich unabl{\"a}ssig. Beispiele daf{\"u}r lassen sich in der Alltagssprache t{\"a}glich aufs Neue entdecken. Meistens handelt es sich um F{\"a}lle lexikalischen Wandels, wie die Entlehnung von W{\"o}rtern aus einer anderen Sprache in das Deutsche. Eine besondere Rolle spielt hier in den letzten Jahren das Englische. Bekannte Beispiele solcher Entlehnungen sind W{\"o}rter aus der Computersprache wie scannen, e-mailen, chatten, aber auch Punk oder Hooligan sind aus dem Englischen entlehnt. Aus anderen Sprachen sind Lexeme wie Plateau (aus dem Franz{\"o}sischen), Cello (aus dem Italienischen) oder Fatzke (aus dem Polnischen) {\"u}bernommen worden. Informationen {\"u}ber die Geschichte einzelner W{\"o}rter lassen sich aus etymologischen W{\"o}rterb{\"u}chern beziehen. - Diese Einf{\"u}hrung informiert {\"u}ber die linguistischen Kerngebiete Lexikon und Morphologie, Phonologie, Syntax, Semantik und Pragmatik . Sie erl{\"a}utert Grundbegriffe, illustriert sie an Beispielen aus dem Deutschen und gibt einen Einblick in die linguistische Theoriebildung. Kindlicher Spracherwerb und Sprachwandel - zwei Gebiete, die von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r ein tieferes Verst{\"a}ndnis der menschlichen Sprache sind - werden in weiteren Kapiteln vorgestellt. Mit {\"U}bungen, einem Glossar der wichtigsten Fachtermini, einer weiterf{\"u}hrenden Schlussbibliographie und einem Sachregister. F{\"u}r die 3. Auflage wurde der Band umfassend {\"u}berarbeitet und aktualisiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Demske2015,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Towards coherent infinitival patterns in the history of German},
  series = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics},
  volume    = {2015},
  journal   = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics},
  number    = {5.1},
  editor    = {Demske, Ulrike and Jędrzejowski, Łukasz},
  publisher = {Benjamins},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {2210-2116 print},
  doi       = {10.1075/jhl.5.1.01dem},
  pages     = {6 -- 40},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Demske2019,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Zur Autonomie indirekter Redewiedergabe - eine diachrone Perspektive},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik},
  volume    = {47},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik},
  number    = {1},
  editor    = {{\´A}gel, Vilmos and Feilke, Helmuth and Linke, Angelika and L{\"u}deling, Anke and Tophinke, Doris},
  publisher = {De Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin, New York},
  issn      = {0301-3294 print},
  doi       = {10.1515/zgl-2019-0003},
  pages     = {70 -- 101},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Regarding verbal mood and complementation patterns of reporting verbs, the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is well established in present-day German. This paper looks into the history of German: Common knowledge has it that both the use of verbal mood as well as the quality of clause linkage undergo considerable changes giving rise to the question how these changes affect the manifestations of indirect reported speech in earlier stages of German. The historical record of the 16th century (with an outlook on the 17th century) shows that the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is not yet grammaticalized in historical sources at the time. In particular with respect to dependent (in)direct reported speech, both types prefer V2-complements with only verbal mood differentiating between the types. Although present and past subjunctive have a much wider distribution in earlier stages of German, the occurrence of free indirect speech likewise testifies to its increasing use as a marker of indirect reported speech. The growing conventionalization of patterns of indirect reported speech in the course of Early Modern German may be considered as an example for an increase of subjectification in its development.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Demske2020,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Zur Grammatikalisierung von 'gehen' im Deutschen},
  series = {Linguisten-Seminar: Forum japanisch-germanistischer Sprachforschung},
  journal   = {Linguisten-Seminar: Forum japanisch-germanistischer Sprachforschung},
  number    = {2},
  editor    = {Japanische Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Germanistik,},
  publisher = {Japanische Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Germanistik},
  address   = {Tokyo},
  issn      = {2434-5407 online},
  doi       = {10.11282/jggls.2.0_9},
  pages     = {9 -- 42},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Das Bewegungsverb gehen liegt im Gegenwartsdeutschen in zwei Auspr{\"a}gungen vor: Neben der Vollverbvariante gibt es eine semi-auxiliare Verwendung von gehen mit aspektueller Bedeutung. Diese Annahme ist in der Literatur zum Gegenwartsdeutschen durchaus umstritten. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird auf der Grundlage von Daten aus dem Gegenwartsdeutschen daf{\"u}r argumentiert, dass gehen in Verbindung mit einem Infinitiv tats{\"a}chlich als semi-auxiliares Verb mit aspektueller Bedeutung behandelt werden muss. Die Auswertung von Daten aus der deutschen Sprachgeschichte vom Althochdeutschen bis zum Gegenwartsdeutschen liefert die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Herausarbeitung von einzelnen Stadien in der Geschichte des semi-auxiliaren Verbs gehen, die unterschiedliche Grade seiner Auxiliarisierung anzeigen. Die noch im Mittelhochdeutschen zu beobachtende Alternation des infiniten Komplements zwischen Pr{\"a}senspartizip und Infinitiv l{\"a}sst sich auf die lautlich bedingte Mehrdeutigkeit infiniter Komplemente zur{\"u}ckf{\"u}hren, die im Deutschen letztendlich zum Verlust des Partizips als verbaler Kategorie f{\"u}hrt.},
  language  = {de}
}