@article{JaenschHeyerGordonetal.2014,
  author    = {Jaensch, Carol and Heyer, Vera and Gordon, Peter and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {What plurals and compounds reveal about constraints in word formation},
  series = {Language acquisition : a journal of developmental linguistics},
  volume    = {21},
  journal   = {Language acquisition : a journal of developmental linguistics},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1048-9223},
  doi       = {10.1080/10489223.2014.892949},
  pages     = {319 -- 338},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Morphological systems are constrained in how they interact with each other. One case that has been widely studied in the psycholinguistic literature is the avoidance of plurals inside compounds (e.g. *rats eater vs. rat eater) in English and other languages, the so-called plurals-in-compounds effect. Several previous studies have shown that both adult and child speakers are sensitive to this contrast, but the question of whether semantic, morphological, or surface-form constraints are responsible for the plurals-in-compounds effect remains controversial. The present study provides new empirical evidence from adult and child English to resolve this controversy. Graded linguistic judgments were obtained from 96 children (age range: 7;06 to 12;08) and 32 adults. In the task, participants were asked to rate compounds containing different kinds of singular or plural modifiers. The results indicated that both children and adults disliked regular plurals inside compounds, whereas irregular plurals were rated as marginal and singulars as fully acceptable. Furthermore, acceptability ratings were found not to be affected by the phonological surface form of a compound-internal modifier. We conclude that semantic and morphological (rather than surface-form) constraints are responsible for the plurals-in-compounds effect, in both children and adults.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DuesterhoeftTrueggelmannRichter2014,
  author    = {D{\"u}sterh{\"o}ft, Stefanie and Tr{\"u}ggelmann, Maria and Richter, Kerstin},
  title     = {Vorschulische Sprachstandserhebungen in Berliner Kindertagesst{\"a}tten},
  series = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  journal   = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  number    = {7},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1866-9085},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-71505},
  pages     = {133 -- 138},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {1 Einleitung 2 Methodik 3 Ergebnisse 4 Schlussfolgerung 5 Literatur},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{VerissimoClahsen2014,
  author    = {Verissimo, Joao Marques and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Variables and similarity in linguistic generalization: Evidence from inflectional classes in Portuguese},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {76},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2014.06.001},
  pages     = {61 -- 79},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Two opposing viewpoints have been advanced to account for morphological productivity, one according to which some knowledge is couched in the form of operations over variables, and another in which morphological generalization is primarily determined by similarity. We investigated this controversy by examining the generalization of Portuguese verb stems, which fall into one of three conjugation classes. In Study 1, an elicited production task revealed that the generalization of 2nd and 3rd conjugation stems is influenced by the degree of phonological similarity between novel roots and existing verbs, whereas the 1st conjugation generalizes beyond similarity. In Study 2, we directly contrasted two distinct computational implementations of conjugation class assignment in how well they matched the human data: a similarity-driven model that captures phonological similarities, and a dual-mechanism model that implements an explicit distinction between context-free and similarity-based generalizations. The similarity-driven model consistently underestimated 1st conjugation responses and overestimated proportions of 2nd and 3rd conjugation responses, especially for novel verbs that are highly similar to existing verbs of those classes. In contrast, the expected proportions produced by the dual-mechanism model were statistically indistinguishable from human responses. We conclude that both context-free and context-sensitive processes determine the generalization of conjugations in Portuguese, and that similarity-based algorithms of morphological acquisition are insufficient to exhibit default-like generalization. (C) 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CunningsPattersonFelser2014,
  author    = {Cunnings, Ian and Patterson, Clare and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Variable binding and coreference in sentence comprehension: Evidence from eye movements},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {71},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2013.10.001},
  pages     = {39 -- 56},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BosBastiaanse2014,
  author    = {Bos, Laura S. and Bastiaanse, Roelien},
  title     = {Time reference decoupled from tense in agrammatic and fluent aphasia},
  series = {Aphasiology : an international, interdisciplinary journal},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Aphasiology : an international, interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0268-7038},
  doi       = {10.1080/02687038.2014.886322},
  pages     = {533 -- 553},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Aims: The goal of this study is twofold. First, it aims to untangle tense problems from problems with past time reference through verb morphology in people with aphasia. Second, this study aims to compare the production of time reference inflection by people with agrammatic and fluent aphasia. Methods \& Procedures: A sentence completion task was used to elicit reference to the non-past and past in Dutch. Reference to the past was tested through (1) a simple verb in past tense and (2) a verb complex with an auxiliary in present tense + participle (the present perfect). Reference to the non-past was tested through a simple verb in present tense. Fourteen agrammatic aphasic speakers, sixteen fluent aphasic speakers, and twenty non-brain-damaged speakers (NBDs) took part in this study. Data were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively. Outcomes \& Results: NBDs scored at ceiling and significantly higher than the aphasic participants. Agrammatic speakers performed worse than fluent speakers, but the pattern of performance in both aphasic groups was similar. Reference to the past through past tense and [present tense auxiliary + participle] was more impaired than reference to the non-past. An error analysis revealed differences between the two groups. Conclusions: People with agrammatic and fluent aphasia experience problems with expressing reference to the past through verb inflection. This past time reference deficit is irrespective of the tense employed. The error patterns between the two groups reveal different underlying problems.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KoesterkeBuchardt2014,
  author    = {K{\"o}sterke-Buchardt, Antje},
  title     = {Therapie einer Entwicklungsdyslexie und einer St{\"o}rung der phonologischen Bewusstheit bei einem 8-j{\"a}hrigen Jungen},
  series = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  journal   = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  number    = {7},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1866-9085},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-71539},
  pages     = {153 -- 176},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {1 Einleitung 2 Theoretischer Hintergrund 3 Anamnese 4 Diagnostik 5 Methode und Material 6 Therapieverlauf 7 Evaluierung 8 Zusammenfassung und Fazit 9 Fachliteratur 10 Diagnostik und Therapiematerial},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Warditz2014,
  author    = {Warditz, Vladislava Maria},
  title     = {The status of syntactic variations in linguistic contact situations: a case study of Polish in Germany},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Slawistik},
  volume    = {59},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Slawistik},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {De Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0044-3506},
  doi       = {10.1515/slaw-2014-0004},
  pages     = {63 -- 82},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BamyaciHaeusslerKabak2014,
  author    = {Bamyaci, Elif and Haeussler, Jana and Kabak, Baris},
  title     = {The interaction of animacy and number agreement: an experimental investigation},
  series = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  volume    = {148},
  journal   = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.06.005},
  pages     = {254 -- 277},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {This paper investigates subject verb agreement in Turkish with particular focus on the role the animacy of plural subjects plays in verbal number marking. Previous descriptive grammars of Turkish (e.g., Sezer, 1978) report an asymmetry in number marking for plural subjects: if the plural subject denotes an animate entity, both plural and singular verbs are possible, whereas only singular verbs are possible when the plural subject denotes an inanimate entity. Using the magnitude estimation method, we measured the well-formedness of simple Turkish sentences consisting of a plural subject and a verb in two groups of participants that differ only in age (mean: 28 years old and 43 years old). The overall results provide an empirical validation of the proposed split between animate and inanimate subjects and suggest that the acceptability of plural agreement is sensitive to even more fine-grained distinctions of animacy. In particular, the plural dispreference was reduced for inanimates with a teleological capacity (in the sense of Folli and Harley, 2008) and for body parts, in comparison to true inanimates (e.g., furniture and clothes). Accordingly, we propose an animacy hierarchy for Turkish that is in line with typological observations (e.g., Corbett, 2000, 2006) and augment it with a further distinction between quasi-animates and inanimates. Although less pronounced in sentences with animate subjects, we observed a higher preference for singular verbs over plural verbs across all conditions. This suggests that the singular marking on the verb, which is zero marked in Turkish, is the default. Furthermore, we find a significant effect of age: in the older group, the singular preference is less pronounced across the conditions and almost absent in sentences with an animate subject. Moreover, the older participants made finer distinctions in the animacy hierarchy, further differentiating between two types of quasi-animates (teleologically capable entities vs. entities with inherited animacy). The two generations in our study share the animate inanimate split as well as the sharp contrast between singular and plural agreement in sentences with inanimate subjects; they differ, however, in degree of optionality. Altogether, these results suggest a decrease in the degree of optionality across generations. As in research on language attrition and bilingualism (Hulk and Muller, 2000; Muller and Hulk, 2001; Sorace, 2011), the results accord with the idea that interface phenomena are vulnerable to change; however, non-convergence between generations in our study stemmed from areas that yield gradient rather than categorical results. (C) 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GroenewoldBastiaanseNickelsetal.2014,
  author    = {Groenewold, Rimke and Bastiaanse, Roelien and Nickels, Lyndsey and Wieling, Martijn and Huiskes, Mike},
  title     = {The effects of direct and indirect speech on discourse comprehension in Dutch listeners with and without aphasia},
  series = {Aphasiology : an international, interdisciplinary journal},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Aphasiology : an international, interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {7},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0268-7038},
  doi       = {10.1080/02687038.2014.902916},
  pages     = {862 -- 884},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Background: Research on language comprehension in aphasia has primarily focused on comprehension of isolated words and sentences. Even though previous studies have provided insights into comprehension abilities of individuals with aphasia at the word and grammatical level, our understanding of the nature and extent of their language comprehension (dis)abilities is not yet complete. In contrast to the highly restricted semantic and syntactic interpretation of sentences, discourse comprehension requires additional pragmatic and non-linguistic skills.Aims: The purpose of this study was to assess language comprehension in individuals with and without aphasia at the discourse level. In particular, it addressed the question of whether the use of direct speech, compared to indirect speech, affects comprehension of narrative discourse in Dutch aphasic and non-brain-damaged (NBD) listeners.Methods \& Procedures: The Direct Speech Comprehension (DISCO) test was developed to examine the effects of manipulating direct vs. indirect speech on discourse comprehension. Twenty-three individuals with aphasia and 20 NBD participants were presented with spoken narratives that contained either direct or indirect speech reports. The narratives were presented audio-visually on an iPad, and comprehension was assessed with yes/no questions.Outcomes \& Results: The performance of the participants with aphasia was significantly poorer than that of the NBD participants. Moreover, a main effect for condition type was found, indicating that narratives with direct speech reports were better understood than narratives with indirect speech reports by listeners with and without aphasia. There was no interaction between group and condition type indicating that this main effect held for both the aphasic and the NBD listeners. However, for the participants with aphasia, there was an interaction between condition and Token Test error score indicating that the positive effect of direct speech constructions diminishes for individuals with poorer comprehension.Conclusions: Direct speech constructions facilitate language comprehension in listeners with and without aphasia. One explanation for this finding is the occurrence of additional layers of communication, such as intonation and facial expression, often accompanying direct speech constructions. An alternative account is the degree of grammatical complexity: In Dutch, the syntactic construction of indirect speech requires embedding, whereas in direct speech the introductory sentence and the quote are both main clauses. The finding that the beneficial effect of direct speech on language comprehension diminishes for individuals with severe aphasia may indicate that the DISCO is too difficult for them to reveal an effect of a subtle manipulation such as that of condition type.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{WittenbergPaczynskiWieseetal.2014,
  author    = {Wittenberg, Eva and Paczynski, Martin and Wiese, Heike and Jackendoff, Ray and Kuperberg, Gina},
  title     = {The difference between "giving a rose" and "giving a kiss": Sustained neural activity to the light verb construction},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {73},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2014.02.002},
  pages     = {31 -- 42},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {We used event-related potentials (ERPs) to investigate the neurocognitive mechanisms associated with processing light verb constructions such as "give a kiss". These constructions consist of a semantically underspecified light verb ("give") and an event nominal that contributes most of the meaning and also activates an argument structure of its own ("kiss"). This creates a mismatch between the syntactic constituents and the semantic roles of a sentence. Native speakers read German verb-final sentences that contained light verb constructions (e.g., "Julius gave Anne a kiss"), non-light constructions (e.g., "Julius gave Anne a rose"), and semantically anomalous constructions (e.g., 'Julius gave Anne a conversation"). ERPs were measured at the critical verb, which appeared after all its arguments. Compared to non-light constructions, the light verb constructions evoked a widely distributed, frontally focused, sustained negative-going effect between 500 and 900 ms after verb onset. We interpret this effect as reflecting working memory costs associated with complex semantic processes that establish a shared argument structure in the light verb constructions.},
  language  = {en}
}