@article{EngbertLongtinKliegl2002,
  author    = {Engbert, Ralf and Longtin, Andre and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {A dynamical model of saccade generation in reading based on spatially distributed lexical processing},
  year      = {2002},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{OberauerKliegl2006,
  author    = {Oberauer, Klaus and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {A formal model of capacity limits in working memory},
  series = {Journal of Memory and Language},
  volume    = {55},
  journal   = {Journal of Memory and Language},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2006.08.009},
  pages     = {601 -- 626},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {A mathematical model of working-memory capacity limits is proposed on the key assumption of mutual interference between items in working memory. Interference is assumed to arise from overwriting of features shared by these items. The model was fit to time-accuracy data of memory-updating tasks from four experiments using nonlinear mixed effect (NLME) models as a framework. The model gave a good account of the data from a numerical and a spatial task version. The performance pattern in a combination of numerical and spatial updating could be explained by variations in the interference parameter: assuming less feature overlap between contents from different domains than between contents from the same domain, the model can account for double dissociations of content domains in dual-task experiments. Experiment 3 extended this idea to similarity within the verbal domain. The decline of memory accuracy with increasing memory load was steeper with phonologically similar than with dissimilar material, although processing speed was faster for the similar material. The model captured the similarity effects with a higher estimated interference parameter for the similar than for the dissimilar condition. The results are difficult to explain with alternative models, in particular models incorporating time-based decay and models assuming limited resource pools.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{EngelmannVasishthEngbertetal.2013,
  author    = {Engelmann, Felix and Vasishth, Shravan and Engbert, Ralf and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {A framework for modeling the interaction of syntactic processing and eye movement control},
  series = {Topics in cognitive science},
  volume    = {5},
  journal   = {Topics in cognitive science},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {1756-8757},
  doi       = {10.1111/tops.12026},
  pages     = {452 -- 474},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {We explore the interaction between oculomotor control and language comprehension on the sentence level using two well-tested computational accounts of parsing difficulty. Previous work (Boston, Hale, Vasishth, \& Kliegl, 2011) has shown that surprisal (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) and cue-based memory retrieval (Lewis \& Vasishth, 2005) are significant and complementary predictors of reading time in an eyetracking corpus. It remains an open question how the sentence processor interacts with oculomotor control. Using a simple linking hypothesis proposed in Reichle, Warren, and McConnell (2009), we integrated both measures with the eye movement model EMMA (Salvucci, 2001) inside the cognitive architecture ACT-R (Anderson et al., 2004). We built a reading model that could initiate short Time Out regressions (Mitchell, Shen, Green, \& Hodgson, 2008) that compensate for slow postlexical processing. This simple interaction enabled the model to predict the re-reading of words based on parsing difficulty. The model was evaluated in different configurations on the prediction of frequency effects on the Potsdam Sentence Corpus. The extension of EMMA with postlexical processing improved its predictions and reproduced re-reading rates and durations with a reasonable fit to the data. This demonstration, based on simple and independently motivated assumptions, serves as a foundational step toward a precise investigation of the interaction between high-level language processing and eye movement control.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KlieglMassonRichter2009,
  author    = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Masson, Michael E. J. and Richter, Eike M.},
  title     = {A linear mixed model analysis of masked repetition priming},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57073},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {We examined individual differences in masked repetition priming by re-analyzing item-level response-time (RT) data from three experiments. Using a linear mixed model (LMM) with subjects and items specified as crossed random factors, the originally reported priming and word-frequency effects were recovered. In the same LMM, we estimated parameters describing the distributions of these effects across subjects. Subjects' frequency and priming effects correlated positively with each other and negatively with mean RT. These correlation estimates, however, emerged only with a reciprocal transformation of RT (i.e., -1/RT), justified on the basis of distributional analyses. Different correlations, some with opposite sign, were obtained (1) for untransformed or logarithmic RTs or (2) when correlations were computed using within-subject analyses. We discuss the relevance of the new results for accounts of masked priming, implications of applying RT transformations, and the use of LMMs as a tool for the joint analysis of experimental effects and associated individual differences.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SimonCarbreraKliegl1993,
  author    = {Simon, Tony and Carbrera, Angel and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {A new approach to the study of subitizing as distinct enumeration processing},
  isbn      = {0-8058- 1487-6},
  year      = {1993},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SimonCabreraKliegl1993,
  author    = {Simon, Tony and Cabrera, Angel and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {A new approach to the study of subitizing as distinct enumeration processing},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-41083},
  year      = {1993},
  abstract  = {This paper presents a new methodology for examining the phenomenon of subitizing. Subjects were presented with a standard numerosity-detection task but for a range of presentation times to allow Task-Accuracy Functions to be computed for individual subjects. The data appear to show a continuous change in processing for numerosities from 2 to 5 when the data are aggregated across subjects. At the level of individual subjects, there appear to be qualitative shifts in enumeration processing after 3 or 4 objects. The approach used in this experiment may be used to test the claim that subitizing is a distinct enumeration process that can be used for small numbers of objects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseHohensteinKliegletal.2014,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Hohenstein, Sven and Kliegl, Reinhold and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {A theoretical analysis of the perceptual span based on SWIFT simulations of the n+2 boundary paradigm},
  series = {Visual cognition},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Visual cognition},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-6285},
  doi       = {10.1080/13506285.2014.881444},
  pages     = {283 -- 308},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Eye-movement experiments suggest that the perceptual span during reading is larger than the fixated word, asymmetric around the fixation position, and shrinks in size contingent on the foveal processing load. We used the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading to test these hypotheses and their implications under the assumption of graded parallel processing of all words inside the perceptual span. Specifically, we simulated reading in the boundary paradigm and analysed the effects of denying the model to have valid preview of a parafoveal word n + 2 two words to the right of fixation. Optimizing the model parameters for the valid preview condition only, we obtained span parameters with remarkably realistic estimates conforming to the empirical findings on the size of the perceptual span. More importantly, the SWIFT model generated parafoveal processing up to word n + 2 without fitting the model to such preview effects. Our results suggest that asymmetry and dynamic modulation are plausible properties of the perceptual span in a parallel word-processing model such as SWIFT. Moreover, they seem to guide the flexible distribution of processing resources during reading between foveal and parafoveal words.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ZhouKlieglYan2013,
  author    = {Zhou, Wei and Kliegl, Reinhold and Yan, Ming},
  title     = {A validation of parafoveal semantic information extraction in reading Chinese},
  series = {Journal of research in reading : a journal of the United Kingdom Reading Association},
  volume    = {36},
  journal   = {Journal of research in reading : a journal of the United Kingdom Reading Association},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0141-0423},
  doi       = {10.1111/j.1467-9817.2013.01556.x},
  pages     = {S51 -- S63},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Parafoveal semantic processing has recently been well documented in reading Chinese sentences, presumably because of language-specific features. However, because of a large variation of fixation landing positions on pretarget words, some preview words actually were located in foveal vision when readers' eyes landed close to the end of the pretarget words. None of the previous studies has completely ruled out a possibility that the semantic preview effects might mainly arise from these foveally processed preview words. This case, whether previously observed positive evidence for parafoveal semantic processing can still hold, has been called into question. Using linear mixed models, we demonstrate in this study that semantic preview benefit from word N+1 decreased if fixation on pretarget word N was close to the preview. We argue that parafoveal semantic processing is not a consequence of foveally processed preview words.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKliegl2011,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Adult age difference in the perceptual span during reading},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Following up on research suggesting an age-related reduction in the rightward extent of the perceptual span during reading (Rayner, Castelhano, \& Yang, 2009), we compared old and young adults in an N + 2-boundary paradigm in which a nonword preview of word N + 2 or word N + 2 itself is replaced by the target word once the eyes cross an invisible boundary located after word N. The intermediate word N + 1 was always three letters long. Gaze durations on word N + 2 were significantly shorter for identical than nonword N + 2 preview both for young and for old adults, with no significant difference in this preview benefit. Young adults, however, did modulate their gaze duration on word N more strongly than old adults in response to the difficulty of the parafoveal word N + 1. Taken together, the results suggest a dissociation of preview benefit and parafoveal-on-foveal effect. Results are discussed in terms of age-related decline in resilience towards distributed processing while simultaneously preserving the ability to integrate parafoveal information into foveal processing. As such, the present results relate to proposals of regulatory compensation strategies older adults use to secure an overall reading speed very similar to that of young adults. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{RisseKliegl2011,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Adult age differences in the perceptual span during reading},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56935},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Following up on research suggesting an age-related reduction in the rightward extent of the perceptual span during reading (Rayner, Castelhano, \& Yang, 2009), we compared old and young adults in an N+2-boundary paradigm in which a nonword preview of word N+2 or word N+2 itself is replaced by the target word once the eyes cross an invisible boundary located after word N. The intermediate word N+1 was always three letters long. Gaze durations on word N+2 were significantly shorter for identical than nonword N+2 preview both for young and for old adults with no significant difference in this preview benefit. Young adults, however, did modulate their gaze duration on word N more strongly than old adults in response to the difficulty of the parafoveal word N+1. Taken together, the results suggest a dissociation of preview benefit and parafoveal-on-foveal effect. Results are discussed in terms of age-related decline in resilience towards distributed processing while simultaneously preserving the ability to integrate parafoveal information into foveal processing. As such, the present results relate to proposals of regulatory compensation strategies older adults use to secure an overall reading speed very similar to that of young adults.},
  language  = {en}
}