@misc{HeineDoeringNoack2013,
  author    = {Heine, Moreen and D{\"o}ring, Matthias and Noack, Sebastian},
  title     = {Open Government},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {115},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43678},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436784},
  pages     = {2},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Bis heute gelingt es kaum, Begriffe rund um die Verwaltungsreform - von New Public Management bis zu den E-Modellen - schl{\"u}ssig voneinander abzugrenzen. Dieses Defizit wird bei der Betrachtung des Konzepts Open Government erneut sichtbar. Der Begriff Open Government ist dabei nicht nur aus verwaltungswissenschaftlicher, sondern mit Blick auf die Instrumente der direkten Demokratie auch aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zu betrachten. Handelt es sich um einen Sammelbegriff f{\"u}r haupts{\"a}chlich schon Dagewesenes?},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{vanLeeuwenKern2013,
  author    = {van Leeuwen, Judith and Kern, Kristine},
  title     = {The External Dimension of European Union Marine Governance: Institutional Interplay between the EU and the International Maritime Organization},
  series = {Global environmental politics},
  volume    = {13},
  journal   = {Global environmental politics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {1526-3800},
  doi       = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00154},
  pages     = {69 -- +},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {This article focuses on the emergence of a decentralized institutional complex, interplay management, and the institutional interplay between the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and the EU in the issue area of environmental shipping policies. It shows that the synergistic relationship between both institutions has been driven primarily by commitment and compliance mechanisms. By influencing IMO decision-making and improving the implementation and effectiveness of IMO conventions, the EU has become a driving force in international environmental shipping policies, and its new initiatives may even enhance its leadership role within the IMO in the future. Despite the still-existing lack of cognitive leadership by the EU, the synergies between both institutions provide evidence for the EU's leadership capacities in global environmental politics.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Sorge2013,
  author    = {Sorge, Arndt},
  title     = {Disintegrating Democracy at Work: Labor Unions and the Future of Good Jobs in the Service Economy},
  series = {British journal of industrial relations : an international journal of employment relations},
  volume    = {51},
  journal   = {British journal of industrial relations : an international journal of employment relations},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0007-1080},
  doi       = {10.1177/0094306113514539i},
  pages     = {2},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{MoellersHaelterlein2013,
  author    = {M{\"o}llers, Norma Tamaria and H{\"a}lterlein, Jens},
  title     = {Privacy issues in public discourse the case of "smart" CCTV in Germany},
  series = {Innovation : the European journal of social sciences},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {Innovation : the European journal of social sciences},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1351-1610},
  doi       = {10.1080/13511610.2013.723396},
  pages     = {57 -- 70},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {In dealing with surveillance, scholars have widely agreed to refute privacy as an analytical concept and defining theme. Nonetheless, in public debates, surveillance technologies are still confronted with issues of privacy, and privacy therefore endures as an empirical subject of research on surveillance. Drawing from our analysis of public discourse of so-called smart closed-circuit television (CCTV) in Germany, we propose to use a sociology of knowledge perspective to analyze privacy in order to understand how it is socially constructed and negotiated. Our data comprise 117 documents, covering all publicly available documents between 2006 and 2010 that we were able to obtain. We found privacy to be the only form of critique in the struggle for the legitimate definition of smart CCTV. In this paper, we discuss the implications our preliminary findings have for the relationship between privacy issues and surveillance technology and conclude with suggestions of how this relationship might be further investigated as paradoxical, yet constitutive.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hartmann2013,
  author    = {Hartmann, Eddie},
  title     = {Social order and violence. - commenting on recent literature on research of violence},
  series = {Berliner Journal f{\"u}r Soziologie = Journal de sociologie de Berlin},
  volume    = {23},
  journal   = {Berliner Journal f{\"u}r Soziologie = Journal de sociologie de Berlin},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {0863-1808},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11609-013-0211-x},
  pages     = {115 -- 131},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Mackert2013,
  author    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen},
  title     = {Towards a sociological explanation of violence in conflicts of social orders},
  series = {Berliner Journal f{\"u}r Soziologie = Journal de sociologie de Berlin},
  volume    = {23},
  journal   = {Berliner Journal f{\"u}r Soziologie = Journal de sociologie de Berlin},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {0863-1808},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11609-013-0210-y},
  pages     = {91 -- 113},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {The article argues that the uprisings during the Arab Spring as well as the riots in either the banlieues of French cities or in London have to be considered as violent conflicts that pose a serious threat to the social orders in which they emerge. These different kinds of social resistance have in common that they communicate more or less developed alternative conceptions of social orders that challenge what has been considered legitimate so far. Until now, sociology has neither successfully explained such kinds of conflicts nor the way they are triggered. Therefore, the article discusses crucial problems of a sociology of violence, i.e. violence as term and concept, theoretical and methodological deficits and, finally, assumptions about the role of violence in conflict-ridden processes of modernization and civilization in general. The article argues that a sociology of violence should concentrate on the nexus of social order and violence in order to explain how and why violent conflicts emerge in specific social contexts. Thus, a sociology of violence should take an effort to reconstruct the crucial social mechanisms that underlie the dynamics of emerging violence in processes of production and reproduction of social order.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{KlenkPieper2013,
  author    = {Klenk, Tanja and Pieper, Jonas},
  title     = {Accountability in a privatized welfare state the case of the german hospital market},
  series = {Administration \& society},
  volume    = {45},
  journal   = {Administration \& society},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {0095-3997},
  doi       = {10.1177/0095399712451890},
  pages     = {326 -- 356},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Kumarasingham2013,
  author    = {Kumarasingham, Harshan},
  title     = {Semi-presidentialism and democracy},
  series = {Political studies review},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {Political studies review},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {1478-9299},
  doi       = {10.1111/1478-9302.12016_10},
  pages     = {263 -- 264},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Ganghof2013,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions},
  series = {Politics, philosophy \& economics},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Politics, philosophy \& economics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {1470-594X},
  doi       = {10.1177/1470594X12447786},
  pages     = {179 -- 196},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Doelling2013,
  author    = {D{\"o}lling, Irene},
  title     = {30 Years of feminist studies how do we deal with the feminist Heritage?},
  series = {Feministische Studien : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung},
  volume    = {31},
  journal   = {Feministische Studien : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Lucius \& Lucius},
  address   = {Stuttgart},
  issn      = {0723-5186},
  pages     = {29 -- 34},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {de}
}