@article{VerhoevenKuegler2015,
  author    = {Verhoeven, Elisabeth and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Accentual preferences and predictability: An acceptability study on split intransitivity in German},
  series = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  volume    = {165},
  journal   = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.09.013},
  pages     = {298 -- 315},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The difference in the default prosodic realization of simple sentences with unergative vs. unaccusative/passive verbs (assigning early nuclear accent with unaccusative/passive verbs but late nuclear accent with unergative verbs) is often related to the syntactic distinction of their nominative arguments as starting off in different hierarchical positions. Alternative accounts try to trace this prosodic variation back to asymmetries in the semantic or pragmatic contribution of the verb to an utterance. The present article investigates the interaction of the assignment of default nuclear accent with the predictability of the verb. In an experimental study testing the acceptability of nuclear accent assignment, we confirmed that the predictability of the verb influences accentual preferences (such that highly predictable verbs are preferably not accented). However, the experiment also reveals that the unaccusativity distinction cannot be accounted for by means of pragmatic phenomena of this type: the two verb classes are associated with distinct accentual patterns in the baseline condition, that is, without the predictability manipulation. (C) 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DambacherDimigenBraunetal.2012,
  author    = {Dambacher, Michael and Dimigen, Olaf and Braun, Mario and Wille, Kristin and Jacobs, Arthur M. and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Stimulus onset asynchrony and the timeline of word recognition: Event-related potentials during sentence reading},
  series = {Neuropsychologia : an international journal in behavioural and cognitive neuroscience},
  volume    = {50},
  journal   = {Neuropsychologia : an international journal in behavioural and cognitive neuroscience},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0028-3932},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2012.04.011},
  pages     = {1852 -- 1870},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Three ERP experiments examined the effect of word presentation rate (i.e., stimulus onset asynchrony, SOA) on the time course of word frequency and predictability effects in sentence reading. In Experiments 1 and 2, sentences were presented word-by-word in the screen center at an SOA of 700 and 490 ms, respectively. While these rates are typical for psycholinguistic ERP research, natural reading happens at a considerably faster pace. Accordingly. Experiment 3 employed a near-normal SOA of 280 ms, which approximated the rate of normal reading. Main results can be summarized as follows: (1) The onset latency of early frequency effects decreases gradually with increasing presentation rates. (2) An early interaction between top-down and bottom-up processing is observed only under a near-normal SOA. (3) N400 predictability effects occur later and are smaller at a near-normal (i.e., high) presentation rate than at the lower rates commonly used in ERP experiments. (4) ERP morphology is different at the shortest compared to longer SOAs. Together, the results point to a special role of a near-normal presentation rate for visual word recognition and therefore suggest that SOA should be taken into account in research of natural reading.},
  language  = {en}
}