@article{BacskaiAtkari2018,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Marking Finiteness and Low Peripheries},
  series = {Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics},
  volume    = {94},
  journal   = {Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-90710-9},
  issn      = {0924-4670},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_12},
  pages     = {183 -- 198},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The article takes up on the observations made byKenesei (1994) regarding the position of the Hungarian interrogative marker -e in the clause and its distribution across clause types. Specifically, there are three crucial points: (i) the marker -e is related to the CP-domain, where clause typing is encoded; (ii) -e is obligatory in embedded clauses and optional in main clauses; (iii) -e is licensed in finite clauses only. I argue that certain clause-typing properties are reflected in the Hungarian clause in a lower functional domain, FP. In particular, finiteness and the interrogative nature of the clause are encoded here, as also indicated by focussing in non-interrogative clauses and by constituent questions, respectively. The marker -e is base-generated in the F head, as opposed to a designated FocP or TP/IP, allowing it to fulfil its clause-typing functions. Base-generation is crucial (as opposed to lowering from C) since it is able to capture the relatedness between -e and finiteness: -e is specified as [fin] and while the FP may be generated to host focussed constituents (including wh-elements) in non-finite clauses, a lexically [fin] head cannot be inserted.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacskaiAtkari2016,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {On the Diachronic Development of a Hungarian Declarative Complementiser},
  series = {Transactions of the Philological Society},
  volume    = {114},
  journal   = {Transactions of the Philological Society},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0079-1636},
  doi       = {10.1111/1467-968X.12069},
  pages     = {95 -- 116},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {My paper investigates the diachronic development of the Modern Hungarian finite declarative complementiser hogy 'COMP'. In Old Hungarian, hogy could be combined with other complementisers, e.g. mint 'than/as', giving configurations like hogymint and minthogy, that is, complementiser combinations in general are attested both in the hogy+X and the reverse X+hogy orders, X standing for an unspecified complementiser. The rich variation of Old Hungarian complex complementisers is not fully reflected in Modern Hungarian: it is invariably only one of the orders that survived. I will show that it is always the one that fully grammaticalised into a single C head; this is ultimately tied to the original underlying order of hogy and X as separate C heads. I will also demonstrate that hogy came to be used as a general marker of finite subordination.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacskaiAtkari2016,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Towards a cross-linguistic typology of marking polarity in embedded degree clauses},
  series = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  volume    = {63},
  journal   = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  publisher = {Akad{\~A}©miai Kiad{\~A}³},
  address   = {Budapest},
  issn      = {1216-8076},
  doi       = {10.1556/064.2016.63.4.1},
  pages     = {389 -- 409},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The article focuses on comparative complementisers in comparative clauses expressing inequality in various languages, with particular attention paid to their role as lexicalising negative polarity. I argue that the relevant property follows from degree semantics, in that the comparative subclause encodes the inequality of the degree expressed by a matrix clausal element and the one expressed by the comparative operator. Just like ordinary negation, this has to be encoded overtly; however, as it does not constitute an instance of genuine clausal negation, the property cannot be encoded by an operator, and hence must be realised on a functional head, which is either the complementiser or a separate polarity head.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacskaiAtkari2014,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Cyclical change in Hungarian comparatives},
  series = {Diachronica},
  volume    = {31},
  journal   = {Diachronica},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Benjamins},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0176-4225},
  doi       = {10.1075/dia.31.4.01bac},
  pages     = {465 -- 505},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {This paper examines cyclical changes in comparative subclauses, showing how operators are reanalysed as complementisers via the general mechanism of the relative cycle, and how this is related to whether certain lexical elements have to be deleted at the left periphery. I also show that only operators appearing without a lexical XP can be grammaticalised, which follows from the nature of the formal features associated with the various operator elements. Though the main focus is on Hungarian historical data, the framework can be applied to other languages too, such as German and Italian, since the changes stem from general principles of economy.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacskaiAtkari2014,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Structural case and ambiguity in reduced comparative subclauses in English and German},
  series = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  volume    = {61},
  journal   = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Akad{\´e}miai Kiad{\´o}},
  address   = {Budapest},
  issn      = {1216-8076},
  doi       = {10.1556/ALing.61.2014.4.1},
  pages     = {363 -- 378},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {The paper argues that structural case assignment properties of English and German reduced comparative subclauses arise from syntactic requirements as well as processes holding at the syntax-phonology interface. I show that constructions involving both an adjectival and a verbal predicate require the subject remnant of the adjectival predicate to be marked for the accusative case both in English and German, which cannot be explained by the notion of default accusative case, especially because German has no default accusative case. I argue that a phonologically defective subclause is reanalysed as part of the matrix clausal object, and hence receives accusative morphological case.},
  language  = {en}
}