@article{FrischHahneFriederici2004,
  author    = {Frisch, Stefan and Hahne, A. and Friederici, A. D.},
  title     = {Word category and verb-argument structure information in the dynamics of parsing},
  issn      = {0010-0277},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {One of the core issues in psycholinguistic research concerns the relationship between word category information and verb-argument structure (e.g. transitivity) information of verbs in the process of sentence parsing. In two experiments (visual versus auditory presentation) using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we addressed this question by presenting sentences in which the critical word simultaneously realized both a word category and a transitivity violation. ERPs for sentences with both types of violation clustered with the patterns for sentences with a word category violation only, but were different from the patterns elicited by argument structure violations in isolation, since only the latter elicited an N400 ERP component. The finding that an argument structure violation evoked an N400 only if the phrase structure of the respective sentence was correct suggests that a successful integration of the word category information of a verb functionally precedes the application of its argument structure information. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BeimGrabenSaddyKurths2004,
  author    = {Beim Graben, Peter and Saddy, Douglas and Kurths, J{\"u}rgen},
  title     = {Untitled},
  year      = {2004},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Fanselow2004,
  author    = {Fanselow, Gisbert},
  title     = {The MLC and Interface Economy},
  isbn      = {3-11-017961-X},
  year      = {2004},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BurchertSwobodaMollDeBleser2004,
  author    = {Burchert, Frank and Swoboda-Moll, Maria and De Bleser, Ria},
  title     = {Tense and agreement in clausal representations : Evidence from German agrammatic aphasia},
  year      = {2004},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Hoehle2004,
  author    = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara},
  title     = {Sprachwahrnehmung und Spracherwerb im ersten Lebensjahr},
  year      = {2004},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Hoehle2004,
  author    = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara},
  title     = {Sprachwahrnehmung und Spracherwerb im ersten Lebensjahr},
  year      = {2004},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Carroll2004,
  author    = {Carroll, Susanne E.},
  title     = {Segmentation : Learning how to 'hear words' in the L2 speech stream},
  issn      = {0079-1636},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {We 'hear words' when we can segment prosodic units from the speech stream and activate associated lexical entries. Segmentation is sometimes regarded in SLA as a perceptual problem, not a grammatical one. I argue here that this view is wrong: segmenting formatives results when we construct prosodic units on the basis of phonetic cues to their edges. The learner's first task is to acquire the relevant cues to these edges. The problem of segmentation is discussed within the framework provided by the Autonomous Induction Theory},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SaddyDrenhausFrisch2004,
  author    = {Saddy, Douglas and Drenhaus, Heiner and Frisch, Stefan},
  title     = {Processing polarity items : Contrastive licensing costs},
  issn      = {0093-934X},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {We describe an experiment that investigated the failure to license polarity items in German using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). The results reveal distinct processing reflexes associated with failure to license positive polarity items in comparison to failure to license negative polarity items. Failure to license both negative and positive polarity items elicited an N400 component reflecting semantic integration cost. Failure to license positive polarity items, however, also elicited a P600 component. The additional P600 in the positive polarity violations may reflect higher processing complexity associated with a negative operator. This difference between the two types of violation suggests that the processing of negative and positive polarity items does not involve identical mechanisms. (C) 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FrischBeimGrabenSchlesewsky2004,
  author    = {Frisch, Stefan and Beim Graben, Peter and Schlesewsky, Matthias},
  title     = {Parallelizing grammatical functions : P600 and P345 reflect different cost of reanalysis},
  issn      = {0218-1274},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {It is well-known from psycholinguistic literature that the human language processing system exhibits preferences when sentence constituents are ambiguous with respect to their grammatical function. Generally, many theories assume that an interpretation towards the subject is preferred in such cases. Later disambiguations which contradict such a preference induce enhanced processing difficulty (i.e. reanalysis) which reflects itself in late positive deflections (P345/P600) in event-related brain potentials (ERPs). In the case of phoric elements such as pronouns, a second strategy is known according to which an ambiguous pronoun preferentially receives the grammatical function that its antecedent has (parallel function strategy). In an ERP study, we show that this strategy can in principle override the general subject preference strategy (known for both pronominal and nonpronominal constituents) and induce an object preference, in case that the pronoun's antecedent is itself an object. Interestingly, the revision of a subject preference leads to a P600 component, whereas the revision of an object preference induces an earlier positivity (P345). In order to show that the latter component is indeed a positivity and not an N400-like negativity in the same time range, we apply an additional analysis based on symbolic dynamics which allows to determine the polarity of an ERP effect on purely methodological grounds. With respect to the two positivities, we argue that the latency differences reflect qualitative differences in the reanalysis processes},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{WartenburgerHeekerenBurchertetal.2004,
  author    = {Wartenburger, Isabell and Heekeren, Hauke R. and Burchert, Frank and Heinemann, Steffi and De Bleser, Ria and Villringer, Arno},
  title     = {Neural correlates of syntactic transformations},
  issn      = {1065-9471},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Many agrammatic aphasics have a specific syntactic comprehension deficit involving processing syntactic transformations. It has been proposed that this deficit is due to a dysfunction of Broca's area, an area that is thought to be critical for comprehension of complex transformed sentences. The goal of this study was to investigate the role of Broca's area in processing canonical and non-canonical sentences in healthy subjects. The sentences were presented auditorily and were controlled for task difficulty. Subjects were asked to judge the grammaticality of the sentences while their brain activity was monitored using event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging. Processing both kinds of sentences resulted in activation of language-related brain regions. Comparison of non-canonical and canonical sentences showed greater activation in bilateral temporal regions; a greater activation of Broca's area in processing antecedent-gap relations was not found. Moreover, the posterior part of Broca's area was conjointly activated by both sentence conditions. Broca's area is thus involved in general syntactic processing as required by grammaticality judgments and does not seem to have a specific role in processing syntactic transformations. (C) 2004 Wiley-Liss, Inc},
  language  = {en}
}