@article{KlieglRolfsLaubrocketal.2009,
  author    = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Rolfs, Martin and Laubrock, Jochen and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {Microsaccadic modulation of response times in spatial attention tasks},
  issn      = {0340-0727},
  doi       = {10.1007/s00426-008-0202-2},
  year      = {2009},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LaubrockEngbertRolfsetal.2007,
  author    = {Laubrock, Jochen and Engbert, Ralf and Rolfs, Martin and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Microsaccades are an index of covert attention : commentary on Horowitz, Fine, Fencsik, Yurgenson and Wolfe},
  issn      = {0956-7976},
  doi       = {10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01904.x},
  year      = {2007},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LaubrockEngbertKliegl2005,
  author    = {Laubrock, Jochen and Engbert, Ralf and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Microsaccade rate during (un)ambiguous apparent motion},
  issn      = {0301-0066},
  year      = {2005},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LaubrockEngbertKliegl2005,
  author    = {Laubrock, Jochen and Engbert, Ralf and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Microsaccade dynamics during covert attention},
  issn      = {0042-6989},
  year      = {2005},
  abstract  = {We compared effects of covert spatial-attention shifts induced with exogenous or endogenous cues on microsaccade rate and direction. Separate and dissociated effects were obtained in rate and direction measures. Display changes caused microsaccade rate inhibition, followed by sustained rate enhancement. Effects on microsaccade direction were differentially tied to cue class (exogenous vs. endogenous) and type (neutral vs. directional). For endogenous cues, direction effects were weak and occurred late. Exogenous cues caused a fast direction bias towards the cue (i.e., early automatic triggering of saccade programs), followed by a shift in the opposite direction (i.e, controlled inhibition of cue-directed saccades, leading to a 'leakage' of microsaccades in the opposite direction). (C) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{LaubrockKliegl2015,
  author    = {Laubrock, Jochen and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {The eye-voice span during reading aloud},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-86904},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Although eye movements during reading are modulated by cognitive processing demands, they also reflect visual sampling of the input, and possibly preparation of output for speech or the inner voice. By simultaneously recording eye movements and the voice during reading aloud, we obtained an output measure that constrains the length of time spent on cognitive processing. Here we investigate the dynamics of the eye-voice span (EVS), the distance between eye and voice. We show that the EVS is regulated immediately during fixation of a word by either increasing fixation duration or programming a regressive eye movement against the reading direction. EVS size at the beginning of a fixation was positively correlated with the likelihood of regressions and refixations. Regression probability was further increased if the EVS was still large at the end of a fixation: if adjustment of fixation duration did not sufficiently reduce the EVS during a fixation, then a regression rather than a refixation followed with high probability. We further show that the EVS can help understand cognitive influences on fixation duration during reading: in mixed model analyses, the EVS was a stronger predictor of fixation durations than either word frequency or word length. The EVS modulated the influence of several other predictors on single fixation durations (SFDs). For example, word-N frequency effects were larger with a large EVS, especially when word N-1 frequency was low. Finally, a comparison of SFDs during oral and silent reading showed that reading is governed by similar principles in both reading modes, although EVS maintenance and articulatory processing also cause some differences. In summary, the EVS is regulated by adjusting fixation duration and/or by programming a regressive eye movement when the EVS gets too large. Overall, the EVS appears to be directly related to updating of the working memory buffer during reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LaubrockKliegl2015,
  author    = {Laubrock, Jochen and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {The eye-voice span during reading aloud},
  series = {Frontiers in psychology},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Frontiers in psychology},
  number    = {1432},
  publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1664-1078},
  doi       = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01432},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Although eye movements during reading are modulated by cognitive processing demands, they also reflect visual sampling of the input, and possibly preparation of output for speech or the inner voice. By simultaneously recording eye movements and the voice during reading aloud, we obtained an output measure that constrains the length of time spent on cognitive processing. Here we investigate the dynamics of the eye-voice span (EVS), the distance between eye and voice. We show that the EVS is regulated immediately during fixation of a word by either increasing fixation duration or programming a regressive eye movement against the reading direction. EVS size at the beginning of a fixation was positively correlated with the likelihood of regressions and refixations. Regression probability was further increased if the EVS was still large at the end of a fixation: if adjustment of fixation duration did not sufficiently reduce the EVS during a fixation, then a regression rather than a refixation followed with high probability. We further show that the EVS can help understand cognitive influences on fixation duration during reading: in mixed model analyses, the EVS was a stronger predictor of fixation durations than either word frequency or word length. The EVS modulated the influence of several other predictors on single fixation durations (SFDs). For example, word-N frequency effects were larger with a large EVS, especially when word N-1 frequency was low. Finally, a comparison of SFDs during oral and silent reading showed that reading is governed by similar principles in both reading modes, although EVS maintenance and articulatory processing also cause some differences. In summary, the EVS is regulated by adjusting fixation duration and/or by programming a regressive eye movement when the EVS gets too large. Overall, the EVS appears to be directly related to updating of the working memory buffer during reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HohensteinLaubrockKliegl2010,
  author    = {Hohenstein, Sven and Laubrock, Jochen and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Semantic preview benefit in eye movements during reading: a parafoveal past-priming study},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57203},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {Eye movements in reading are sensitive to foveal and parafoveal word features. Whereas the influence of orthographic or phonological parafoveal information on gaze control is undisputed, there has been no reliable evidence for early parafoveal extraction of semantic information in alphabetic script. Using a novel combination of the gaze-contingent fast-priming and boundary paradigms, we demonstrate semantic preview benefit when a semantically related parafoveal word was available during the initial 125 ms of a fixation on the pre-target word (Experiments 1 and 2). When the target location was made more salient, significant parafoveal semantic priming occurred only at 80 ms (Experiment 3). Finally, with short primes only (20, 40, 60 ms) effects were not significant but numerically in the expected direction for 40 and 60 ms (Experiment 4). In all experiments, fixation durations on the target word increased with prime durations under all conditions. The evidence for extraction of semantic information from the parafoveal word favors an explanation in terms of parallel word processing in reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KlieglRisseLaubrock2007,
  author    = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Risse, Sarah and Laubrock, Jochen},
  title     = {Preview Benefit and Parafoveal-on-Foveal Effects from Word N+2},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57186},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {Using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm with the boundary placed after word n, we manipulated preview of word n+2 for fixations on word n. There was no preview benefit for first-pass reading on word n+2, replicating the results of Rayner, Juhasz, and Brown (2007), but there was a preview benefit on the three-letter word n+1, that is, after the boundary, but before word n+2. Additionally, both word n+1 and word n+2 exhibited parafoveal-on-foveal effects on word n. Thus, during a fixation on word n and given a short word n+1, some information is extracted from word n+2, supporting the hypothesis of distributed processing in the perceptual span.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KlieglRolfsLaubrocketal.2009,
  author    = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Rolfs, Martin and Laubrock, Jochen and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {Microsaccadic Modulation of Response Times in Spatial Attention Tasks},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57098},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {Covert shifts of attention are usually reflected in RT differences between responses to valid and invalid cues in the Posner spatial attention task. Such inferences about covert shifts of attention do not control for microsaccades in the cue target interval. We analyzed the effects of microsaccade orientation on RTs in four conditions, crossing peripheral visual and auditory cues with peripheral visual and auditory discrimination targets. Reaction time was generally faster on trials without microsaccades in the cue-target interval. If microsaccades occurred, the target-location congruency of the last microsaccade in the cuetarget interval interacted in a complex way with cue validity. For valid visual cues, irrespective of whether the discrimination target was visual or auditory, target-congruent microsaccades delayed RT. For invalid cues, target-incongruent microsaccades facilitated RTs for visual target discrimination, but delayed RT for auditory target discrimination. No reliable effects on RT were associated with auditory cues or with the first microsaccade in the cue-target interval. We discuss theoretical implications on the relation about spatial attention and oculomotor processes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{RolfsLaubrockKliegl2006,
  author    = {Rolfs, Martin and Laubrock, Jochen and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Shortening and Prolongation of Saccade Latencies Following Microsaccades},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57012},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {When the eyes fixate at a point in a visual scene, small saccades rapidly shift the image on the retina. The effect of these microsaccades on the latency of subsequent large-scale saccades may be twofold. First, microsaccades are associated with an enhancement of visual perception. Their occurrence during saccade target perception should, thus, decrease saccade latencies. On the other hand, microsaccades likely indicate activity in fixation-related oculomotor neurons. These represent competitors to saccade-related cells in the interplay of gaze holding and shifting. Consequently, an increase in saccade latencies after microsaccades would be expected. Here, we present evidence for both aspects of microsaccadic impact on saccade latency. In a delayed response task, participants made saccades to visible or memorized targets. First, microsaccade occurrence up to 50 ms before target disappearance correlated with 18 ms (or 8\%) faster saccades to memorized targets. Second, if microsaccades occurred shortly (i.e., < 150 ms) before a saccade was required, saccadic reaction times in visual and memory trials were increased by about 40 ms (or 16\%). Hence, microsaccades can have opposite consequences for saccade latencies, pointing at a differential role of these fixational eye movements in preparation of motor programs.},
  language  = {en}
}