@article{RisseHohensteinKliegletal.2014,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Hohenstein, Sven and Kliegl, Reinhold and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {A theoretical analysis of the perceptual span based on SWIFT simulations of the n+2 boundary paradigm},
  series = {Visual cognition},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Visual cognition},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-6285},
  doi       = {10.1080/13506285.2014.881444},
  pages     = {283 -- 308},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Eye-movement experiments suggest that the perceptual span during reading is larger than the fixated word, asymmetric around the fixation position, and shrinks in size contingent on the foveal processing load. We used the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading to test these hypotheses and their implications under the assumption of graded parallel processing of all words inside the perceptual span. Specifically, we simulated reading in the boundary paradigm and analysed the effects of denying the model to have valid preview of a parafoveal word n + 2 two words to the right of fixation. Optimizing the model parameters for the valid preview condition only, we obtained span parameters with remarkably realistic estimates conforming to the empirical findings on the size of the perceptual span. More importantly, the SWIFT model generated parafoveal processing up to word n + 2 without fitting the model to such preview effects. Our results suggest that asymmetry and dynamic modulation are plausible properties of the perceptual span in a parallel word-processing model such as SWIFT. Moreover, they seem to guide the flexible distribution of processing resources during reading between foveal and parafoveal words.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKliegl2011,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Adult age difference in the perceptual span during reading},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Following up on research suggesting an age-related reduction in the rightward extent of the perceptual span during reading (Rayner, Castelhano, \& Yang, 2009), we compared old and young adults in an N + 2-boundary paradigm in which a nonword preview of word N + 2 or word N + 2 itself is replaced by the target word once the eyes cross an invisible boundary located after word N. The intermediate word N + 1 was always three letters long. Gaze durations on word N + 2 were significantly shorter for identical than nonword N + 2 preview both for young and for old adults, with no significant difference in this preview benefit. Young adults, however, did modulate their gaze duration on word N more strongly than old adults in response to the difficulty of the parafoveal word N + 1. Taken together, the results suggest a dissociation of preview benefit and parafoveal-on-foveal effect. Results are discussed in terms of age-related decline in resilience towards distributed processing while simultaneously preserving the ability to integrate parafoveal information into foveal processing. As such, the present results relate to proposals of regulatory compensation strategies older adults use to secure an overall reading speed very similar to that of young adults. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKliegl2011,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Adult age differences in the perceptual span during reading},
  series = {Psychology and aging},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {Psychology and aging},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  address   = {Washington},
  issn      = {0882-7974},
  doi       = {10.1037/a0021616},
  pages     = {451 -- 460},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Following up on research suggesting an age-related reduction in the rightward extent of the perceptual span during reading (Rayner, Castelhano, \& Yang, 2009), we compared old and young adults in an N + 2-boundary paradigm in which a nonword preview of word N + 2 or word N + 2 itself is replaced by the target word once the eyes cross an invisible boundary located after word N. The intermediate word N + I was always three letters long. Gaze durations on word N + 2 were significantly shorter for identical than nonword N + 2 preview both for young and for old adults, with no significant difference in this preview benefit. Young adults, however, did modulate their gaze duration on word N more strongly than old adults in response to the difficulty of the parafoveal word N + I. Taken together, the results suggest a dissociation of preview benefit and parafoveal-on-foveal effect. Results are discussed in terms of age-related decline in resilience towards distributed processing while simultaneously preserving the ability to integrate parafoveal information into foveal processing. As such, the present results relate to proposals of regulatory compensation strategies older adults use to secure an overall reading speed very similar to that of young adults.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SeeligRabeMalemShinitskietal.2020,
  author    = {Seelig, Stefan A. and Rabe, Maximilian Michael and Malem-Shinitski, Noa and Risse, Sarah and Reich, Sebastian and Engbert, Ralf},
  title     = {Bayesian parameter estimation for the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading},
  series = {Journal of mathematical psychology},
  volume    = {95},
  journal   = {Journal of mathematical psychology},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0022-2496},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jmp.2019.102313},
  pages     = {32},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Process-oriented theories of cognition must be evaluated against time-ordered observations. Here we present a representative example for data assimilation of the SWIFT model, a dynamical model of the control of fixation positions and fixation durations during natural reading of single sentences. First, we develop and test an approximate likelihood function of the model, which is a combination of a spatial, pseudo-marginal likelihood and a temporal likelihood obtained by probability density approximation Second, we implement a Bayesian approach to parameter inference using an adaptive Markov chain Monte Carlo procedure. Our results indicate that model parameters can be estimated reliably for individual subjects. We conclude that approximative Bayesian inference represents a considerable step forward for computational models of eye-movement control, where modeling of individual data on the basis of process-based dynamic models has not been possible so far.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKliegl2014,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Dissociating preview validity and preview difficulty in parafoveal processing of word n+1 during reading},
  series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  address   = {Washington},
  issn      = {0096-1523},
  doi       = {10.1037/a0034997},
  pages     = {653 -- 668},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Many studies have shown that previewing the next word n + 1 during reading leads to substantial processing benefit (e.g., shorter word viewing times) when this word is eventually fixated. However, evidence of such preprocessing in fixations on the preceding word n when in fact the information about the preview is acquired is far less consistent. A recent study suggested that such effects may be delayed into fixations on the next word n + 1 (Risse \& Kliegl, 2012). To investigate the time course of parafoveal information-acquisition on the control of eye movements during reading, we conducted 2 gaze-contingent display-change experiments and orthogonally manipulated the processing difficulty (i.e., word frequency) of an n + 1 preview word and its validity relative to the target word. Preview difficulty did not affect fixation durations on the pretarget word n but on the target word n + 1. In fact, the delayed preview-difficulty effect was almost of the same size as the preview benefit associated with the n + 1 preview validity. Based on additional results from quantile-regression analyses on the time course of the 2 preview effects, we discuss consequences as to the integration of foveal and parafoveal information and potential implications for computational models of eye guidance in reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Risse2014,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah},
  title     = {Effects of visual span on reading speed and parafoveal processing in eye movements during sentence reading},
  series = {Journal of vision},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Journal of vision},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Association for Research in Vision and Opthalmology},
  address   = {Rockville},
  issn      = {1534-7362},
  doi       = {10.1167/14.8.11},
  pages     = {13},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKliegl2012,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Evidence for delayed Parafoveal-on-Foveal effects from word n+2 in reading},
  series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance},
  volume    = {38},
  journal   = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  address   = {Washington},
  issn      = {0096-1523},
  doi       = {10.1037/a0027735},
  pages     = {1026 -- 1042},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {During reading information is acquired from word(s) beyond the word that is currently looked at. It is still an open question whether such parafoveal information can influence the current viewing of a word, and if so, whether such parafoveal-on-foveal effects are attributable to distributed processing or to mislocated fixations which occur when the eyes are directed at a parafoveal word but land on another word instead. In two display-change experiments, we orthogonally manipulated the preview and target difficulty of word n+2 to investigate the role of mislocated fixations on the previous word n+1. When the eyes left word n, an easy or difficult word n+2 preview was replaced by an easy or difficult n+2 target word. In Experiment 1, n+2 processing difficulty was manipulated by means of word frequency (i.e., easy high-frequency vs. difficult low-frequency word n+2). In Experiment 2, we varied the visual familiarity of word n+2 (i.e., easy lower-case vs. difficult alternating-case writing). Fixations on the short word n+1, which were likely to be mislocated, were nevertheless not influenced by the difficulty of the adjacent word n+2, the hypothesized target of the mislocated fixation. Instead word n+1 was influenced by the preview difficulty of word n+2, representing a delayed parafoveal-on-foveal effect. The results challenge the mislocated-fixation hypothesis as an explanation of parafoveal-on-foveal effects and provide new insight into the complex spatial and temporal effect structure of processing inside the perceptual span during reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseEngbertKliegl2008,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Engbert, Ralf and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Eye-movement control in reading : experimental and corpus-analysis challenges for a computational model},
  isbn      = {978-7-201-06107-8},
  year      = {2008},
  language  = {en}
}
@inproceedings{Risse2012,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah},
  title     = {Letter crowding and the benefit of parafoveal preview during reading},
  series = {Perception},
  volume    = {41},
  booktitle = {Perception},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0301-0066},
  pages     = {133 -- 133},
  year      = {2012},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RisseKruegelBackhaus2022,
  author    = {Risse, Sarah and Kr{\"u}gel, Andre and Backhaus, Daniel},
  title     = {Open Education in Methods Training},
  series = {Psychologische Rundschau : offizielles Organ der Deutschen Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Psychologie},
  volume    = {73},
  journal   = {Psychologische Rundschau : offizielles Organ der Deutschen Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Psychologie},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {HOGREFE VERLAG},
  address   = {G{\"o}ttingen},
  issn      = {0033-3042},
  doi       = {10.1026/0033-3042/a000602},
  pages     = {206 -- 208},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}