@article{KostaKarlik2020,
  author    = {Kosta, Peter and Karlik, Petr},
  title     = {The nominalization of subordinate clauses in Czech},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Slawistik},
  volume    = {65},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Slawistik},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {De Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0044-3506},
  doi       = {10.1515/slaw-2020-0023},
  pages     = {479 -- 497},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The present article ties in with an earlier study by Chomsky (1970) on nominalizations in English, which was then refined primarily in the influential work of Jane Grimshaw (1990) and is dealt with in detail in Borer (2013) and in Kosta (2020). In contrast to the English gerundives, which do not lose verbal behavior due to the derivation in the syntax and maintain all grammatical categories and characteristics of verbs, which is why one can speak of a real conversion while preserving the verbal semantics, the situation is somewhat different in Czech. In the deverbal, deadjective and other derivations, the Czech apparently made the transition to the noun with its critical properties, which is shown by certain restrictions in the aspectuality marking of deverbal noun phrases on -ni-, -ti-, which, e.g., do not pass the progression durativity test (Vendler 1967). In passive constructions, as is well known, a valence point in the position of the external argument is reduced compared to the corresponding active sentences, while the external argument position in anti-causatives is also not available in the deep structure. In addition to the syntactic restrictions that are evident in nominalizations in the context of simple sentences of different sentence types (causative, anti-causative, passive) and demonstrate the nominal character of certain types of deverbal noun phrases in the first part of this article, the second part of the essay deals with more complex structures and extends its analytical and theoretical part to the phenomenon of nominalizing subordinate clauses. The aim of the central part of this contribution is therefore to test the nominal properties of embedded conjunctional sentences and of embedded headless relative sentences on the basis of empirical data and thus contribute to the knowledge of whether certain types of relative sentences can (or must) be nominalized.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Keskin2022,
  author    = {Keskin, Cem},
  title     = {On the directionality of the Balkan Turkic verb phrase},
  series = {Languages},
  volume    = {8},
  journal   = {Languages},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {MDPI},
  address   = {Basel, Schweiz},
  issn      = {2226-471X},
  doi       = {10.3390/languages8010002},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Balkan varieties of Turkic, particularly those on the periphery of the Turkic spread area in the region, such as Gagauz and West Rumelian Turkish, are commonly observed to have head-initial verb phrases. Based on a wide survey, this paper attempts a more precise description of the pattern of VP directionality across Balkan Turkic and shows that there is considerable variation in how prevalent VX order is, a pattern that turns out to be more complex than the previous descriptions suggest: Two spectrums of directionality can be discerned between XV and VX orders, contingent upon type of the dependent of the verb and dialect locale. The paper also explores the grammatical causes underlying this shift in constituent order. First, VX order seems to be dependent upon whether a clause is nominal or not. Nonfinite clauses of the nominal type have XV order across Balkan Turkic, while finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type show differing degrees of VX order depending on type of dependent and geographical location. Second, VX order appears to be an outcome of verb movement to the left of the dependent in finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type, rather than head parameter shift.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinMurphy2022,
  author    = {Hein, Johannes and Murphy, Andrew},
  title     = {VP-nominalization and the Final-over-Final Condition},
  series = {Linguistic inquiry},
  volume    = {53},
  journal   = {Linguistic inquiry},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0024-3892},
  doi       = {10.1162/ling_a_00407},
  pages     = {337 -- 370},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The Final-over-Final Condition has emerged as a robust and explanatory generalization for a wide range of phenomena (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014, Sheehan et al. 2017). In this article, we argue that it also holds in another domain, nominalization. In languages that show overt nominalization of VPs, one word order is routinely unattested, namely, a head-initial VP with a suffixal nominalizer. This typological gap can be accounted for by the Final-over-Final Condition, if we allow it to hold within mixed extended projections. This view also makes correct predictions about agentive nominalizations and nominalized serial verb constructions.},
  language  = {en}
}