@article{PaapeVasishth2022, author = {Paape, Dario and Vasishth, Shravan}, title = {Estimating the true cost of garden pathing:}, series = {Cognitive science}, volume = {46}, journal = {Cognitive science}, number = {8}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Malden, Mass.}, issn = {0364-0213}, doi = {10.1111/cogs.13186}, pages = {23}, year = {2022}, abstract = {What is the processing cost of being garden-pathed by a temporary syntactic ambiguity? We argue that comparing average reading times in garden-path versus non-garden-path sentences is not enough to answer this question. Trial-level contaminants such as inattention, the fact that garden pathing may occur non-deterministically in the ambiguous condition, and "triage" (rejecting the sentence without reanalysis; Fodor \& Inoue, 2000) lead to systematic underestimates of the true cost of garden pathing. Furthermore, the "pure" garden-path effect due to encountering an unexpected word needs to be separated from the additional cost of syntactic reanalysis. To get more realistic estimates for the individual processing costs of garden pathing and syntactic reanalysis, we implement a novel computational model that includes trial-level contaminants as probabilistically occurring latent cognitive processes. The model shows a good predictive fit to existing reading time and judgment data. Furthermore, the latent-process approach captures differences between noun phrase/zero complement (NP/Z) garden-path sentences and semantically biased reduced relative clause (RRC) garden-path sentences: The NP/Z garden path occurs nearly deterministically but can be mostly eliminated by adding a comma. By contrast, the RRC garden path occurs with a lower probability, but disambiguation via semantic plausibility is not always effective.}, language = {en} } @article{PaapeAvetisyanLagoetal.2021, author = {Paape, Dario and Avetisyan, Serine and Lago, Sol and Vasishth, Shravan}, title = {Modeling misretrieval and feature substitution in agreement attraction}, series = {Cognitive science}, volume = {45}, journal = {Cognitive science}, number = {8}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Malden, Mass.}, issn = {0364-0213}, doi = {10.1111/cogs.13019}, pages = {30}, year = {2021}, abstract = {We present computational modeling results based on a self-paced reading study investigating number attraction effects in Eastern Armenian. We implement three novel computational models of agreement attraction in a Bayesian framework and compare their predictive fit to the data using k-fold cross-validation. We find that our data are better accounted for by an encoding-based model of agreement attraction, compared to a retrieval-based model. A novel methodological contribution of our study is the use of comprehension questions with open-ended responses, so that both misinterpretation of the number feature of the subject phrase and misassignment of the thematic subject role of the verb can be investigated at the same time. We find evidence for both types of misinterpretation in our study, sometimes in the same trial. However, the specific error patterns in our data are not fully consistent with any previously proposed model.}, language = {en} } @article{PaapeVasishthvonderMalsburg2020, author = {Paape, Dario and Vasishth, Shravan and von der Malsburg, Titus Raban}, title = {Quadruplex negatio invertit?}, series = {Journal of semantics}, volume = {37}, journal = {Journal of semantics}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0167-5133}, doi = {10.1093/jos/ffaa009}, pages = {509 -- 555}, year = {2020}, abstract = {So-called "depth charge" sentences (No head injury is too trivial to be ignored) are interpreted by the vast majority of speakers to mean the opposite of what their compositional semantics would dictate. The semantic inversion that is observed for sentences of this type is the strongest and most persistent linguistic illusion known to the field (Wason \& Reich, 1979). However, it has recently been argued that the preferred interpretation arises not because of a prevailing failure of the processing system, but rather because the non-compositional meaning is grammaticalized in the form of a stored construction (Cook \& Stevenson, 2010; Fortuin, 2014). In a series of five experiments, we investigate whether the depth charge effect is better explained by processing failure due to memory overload (the overloading hypothesis) or by the existence of an underlying grammaticalized construction with two available meanings (the ambiguity hypothesis). To our knowledge, our experiments are the first to explore the on-line processing profile of depth charge sentences. Overall, the data are consistent with specific variants of the ambiguity and overloading hypotheses while providing evidence against other variants. As an extension of the overloading hypothesis, we suggest two heuristic processes that may ultimately yield the incorrect reading when compositional processing is suspended for strategic reasons.}, language = {en} } @article{PaapeVasishth2016, author = {Paape, Dario and Vasishth, Shravan}, title = {Local Coherence and Preemptive Digging-in Effects in German}, series = {Language and speech}, volume = {59}, journal = {Language and speech}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0023-8309}, doi = {10.1177/0023830915608410}, pages = {387 -- 403}, year = {2016}, abstract = {SOPARSE predicts so-called local coherence effects: locally plausible but globally impossible parses of substrings can exert a distracting influence during sentence processing. Additionally, it predicts digging-in effects: the longer the parser stays committed to a particular analysis, the harder it becomes to inhibit that analysis. We investigated the interaction of these two predictions using German sentences. Results from a self-paced reading study show that the processing difficulty caused by a local coherence can be reduced by first allowing the globally correct parse to become entrenched, which supports SOPARSE's assumptions.}, language = {en} }