@article{BacskaiAtkari2018,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Marking Finiteness and Low Peripheries},
  series = {Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics},
  volume    = {94},
  journal   = {Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-90710-9},
  issn      = {0924-4670},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_12},
  pages     = {183 -- 198},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The article takes up on the observations made byKenesei (1994) regarding the position of the Hungarian interrogative marker -e in the clause and its distribution across clause types. Specifically, there are three crucial points: (i) the marker -e is related to the CP-domain, where clause typing is encoded; (ii) -e is obligatory in embedded clauses and optional in main clauses; (iii) -e is licensed in finite clauses only. I argue that certain clause-typing properties are reflected in the Hungarian clause in a lower functional domain, FP. In particular, finiteness and the interrogative nature of the clause are encoded here, as also indicated by focussing in non-interrogative clauses and by constituent questions, respectively. The marker -e is base-generated in the F head, as opposed to a designated FocP or TP/IP, allowing it to fulfil its clause-typing functions. Base-generation is crucial (as opposed to lowering from C) since it is able to capture the relatedness between -e and finiteness: -e is specified as [fin] and while the FP may be generated to host focussed constituents (including wh-elements) in non-finite clauses, a lexically [fin] head cannot be inserted.},
  language  = {en}
}