Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; Working papers of the SFB 632 - Vol. 5

  • In this paper we compare the behaviour of adverbs of frequency (de Swart 1993) like usually with the behaviour of adverbs of quantity like for the most part in sentences that contain plural definites. We show that sentences containing the former type of Q-adverb evidence that Quantificational Variability Effects (Berman 1991) come about as an indirect effect of quantification over situations: in order for quantificational variability readings to arise, these sentences have to obey two newly observed constraints that clearly set them apart from sentences containing corresponding quantificational DPs, and that can plausibly be explained under the assumption that quantification over (the atomic parts of) complex situations is involved. Concerning sentences with the latter type of Q-adverb, on the other hand, such evidence is lacking: with respect to the constraints just mentioned, they behave like sentences that contain corresponding quantificational DPs. We take this as evidence that Q-adverbs like for the most part do not quantify overIn this paper we compare the behaviour of adverbs of frequency (de Swart 1993) like usually with the behaviour of adverbs of quantity like for the most part in sentences that contain plural definites. We show that sentences containing the former type of Q-adverb evidence that Quantificational Variability Effects (Berman 1991) come about as an indirect effect of quantification over situations: in order for quantificational variability readings to arise, these sentences have to obey two newly observed constraints that clearly set them apart from sentences containing corresponding quantificational DPs, and that can plausibly be explained under the assumption that quantification over (the atomic parts of) complex situations is involved. Concerning sentences with the latter type of Q-adverb, on the other hand, such evidence is lacking: with respect to the constraints just mentioned, they behave like sentences that contain corresponding quantificational DPs. We take this as evidence that Q-adverbs like for the most part do not quantify over the atomic parts of sum eventualities in the cases under discussion (as claimed by Nakanishi and Romero (2004)), but rather over the atomic parts of the respective sum individuals.show moreshow less

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Metadaten
URN:urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-13047
ISBN:1866-4725
Series (Serial Number):Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632, ISSN 1866-4725 (5)
Document Type:Book
Language:English
Date of Publication (online):2007/04/13
Year of Completion:2006
Publishing Institution:Universität Potsdam
Release Date:2007/04/13
Tag:Adverbial Quantification; Adverbs of Frequency; Adverbs of Quantity; Situations; Tense Semantics
RVK - Regensburg Classification:ER 300
Contributor:Ishihara, Shinichiro (ed.) , Schmitz, Michaela (ed.) , Schwarz, Anne (ed.)
Organizational units:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Institut für Psychologie
Dewey Decimal Classification:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
Collections:Universität Potsdam / Schriftenreihen / Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632, ISSN 1866-4725
Notes extern:
zugleich in Printform erschienen im Universitätsverlag Potsdam:
Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; Working papers of the SFB 632. - Potsdam : Univ.-Verl.
Vol. 5. - 2006. - 221 S. : graph. Darst.
ISSN 1614-4708
ISBN 978-3-939469-41-4
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